Spelade
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This episode discusses polyamory and makes the claim it is ultimately not a real relationship formation by any measure, representing instead a lack of boundaries and disorganised attachment styles, subsequently making it a performance attractive to sexual losers i.e those considered to be 'low-value' within the sexual marketplace. We begin with the early radical feminist critique of monogamy and marriage, before turning to the present day to consider how it is chiefly the absence of sexual ethics on the Left that created a vacuum to be filled by the dominant ideology i.e neoliberalism. This can be seen in how those claiming to by polyamorous treat their sexual partners as consumer products, exchangeable commodities, or purely use-value objects.
Existing as a kind of accelerationist infantile utopianism, there's a pretence in the performance of polyamory that the bedroom can somehow by free of ideological chains (it cannot) and that the psychosocial world we are constituted by somehow evaporates in the hallway of our homes. Infantile leftists believe polyamorous arrangements to be 'revolutionary' simply because it differs from trad marriage and the nuclear family (the unit that emerged through the development of capitalism). Polyamory, if it were real, would, like polygamy, be the relationship scenario that is the least equal, least likely to engender trust among participants, and be far less mutual than traditional monogamous marriage. We share some anecdotes of polyamory from our own leftwing circles that demonstrate the attempt to do polyamorous arrangements tends to end quickly and badly, often in violence or humiliation (typically of a woman).
We conclude that pretending to be polyamorous is about signalling to anyone and everyone that you are sexually available and desperate for sexual validation, whilst also not being up to the adult task of commitment and all of the responsibility and limitations on freedom that entails. That reality, of not being emotionally mature enough to find and maintain a committed relationship is offered an illustrious cover story by claiming to be doing polyamory, as if existing on a more sophisticated or higher sexual plane, when in actuality it means not being able to manage commitment, or find it from someone worth investing in. -
Why is the Royal Family struggling to produce a photo of Kate Middleton? We suggest there are multiple threads to whatever crisis and stalemate is going behind closed doors at Kensington Palace (specifically, in all likelihood; an affair, a looming divorce, Kate's mystery illness, and a King on his way out). It is a cause for concern if a woman - any woman - has not been seen in public for three months.
Today it's increasingly difficult to fake real life events due to the internet and the hive mind of social media sleuths. We ask whether a Royal Family as a state-funded public-facing institution is viable in the 21st century? Do we even need a Royal Family? One that owns swathes of the UK's shoreline, land, and influences much of the country's development despite not really being good at anything.
We also discuss how marrying into families still means you're still an outsider and only included upon certain conditions, how posh people are excellent at pretending to not notice things and presume everyone else also has a high aptitude for denial, the Royal Family's long history of mistreating women, and how the Royal's media machine is singlehandedly proving we do not have a free press and Noam Chomsky is entirely correct about how public consent is manufactured. -
Is the GC Movement over in the UK and what will happen to it elsewhere? Are the divisions that have become more prominent due to a series of victories? Who counts as GC? Have we really won? And to what degree? We also discuss the characteristics of structurelessness, how the internet is where politics is transmitted today, but the confidence building of real life organising cannot be matched, and the conundrum of, if someone doesn't want to join a movement with conservatives, why join a movement with conservatives? Plus, the meaninglessness of land acknowledgments, that the term far-right means fascist, and how making politics bearable means also having the courage to be misunderstood.
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This episode is on the contemporary far-Left's turn away from the working-class towards the lumpen proletariat - except in the case of criminalised lumpen women. We discuss how the far-Left has adopted 'pet' lumpen proletariat groups (mentally ill men who identify as women, male asylum seekers, male criminals, men who are too dysfunctional to work, etc.), but only in so far as to lionise the figure of the emasculated proletariat man as an archetype, never the downtrodden, financially precarious, often prostituted or criminalised lumpen woman. How is it that the objectives of the PMC have come to chime with this figure of the lumpen man? And that the revolutionary Left, once concerned with the working-class as the revolutionary class, has swapped for the goals of the PMC (the most dominated section of the dominant class), in combination with the interests of the lumpen man, making both central to their politics.
We also discuss the little known modern Trotskyist understanding of political practice that creates disruption by fermenting social contradictions, and that out of this chaos rises the opportunity for a re-organisation of society once the status-quo is unstable and unsustainable, leading to the options of barbarism (fascism) or socialism. Previously it was understood that the structural contradictions of capitalism would inevitably at times throw up such opportunities, but today's pessimistic and demoralised vanguardist far-Left, beholden to postmodernism and post-structuralism, acts as an agent to create contradictions and unsustainable policies, as a matter of strategy. This notion of disruption as valuable is one way to understand the ludicrous irony of preaching safety on campuses and that misgendering kills, whilst being willing to re-traumatise and up the probability of rape against the most vulnerable adults in our society: women in prison. This leads us to a topsy-turvy moral world where thoughts are so harmful people need their livelihoods destroyed for 'thought crimes', but rape against women is so irrelevant and benign it is not worth mentioning.
Plus, the roots of the concept of 'validation', Trans activists wanting life to be one continuous DBT session, prison abolition as a luxury belief, and how for those from the upper-crust of privilege disagreement feels injurious and hostile, because they've not witnessed or experienced anything worse and it undermines the vision fed to them of their entitlement to power. Hannah tells the story of confronting a man chasing a woman in a car and the total disinterest of the police once it was reported. And we wonder about how the collaboration between the PMC and TRAs, aided and abetted by the new postmodernism-afflicted radical Left, thought they could pull of the heist of the century: trading the rights of women and children in order to advance their own power. -
We discuss transgenderism as a subculture embraced by the bourgeois classes a decade ago, but more recently filtering down to the working-class and lumpen. This is how culture often works, the dominant classes introduce cultural forms or alternative lifestyles, but dispense with them once those forms become popularised. We make a distinction between how transgenderism operates for the elites, as a kind of currency and status signalling, whereas for the lower working-class and lumpen, it functions as a means of justifying their separation from social norms and, for some young women, as a cry help. Plus, Elliot Page and Mae Martin, Emo, and the Victorian trope of women living relatively bed bound due to 'nerves'.
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This episode discusses the baptism by fire that is female adolescence, and how if autism is added into that mix, Transgenderism starts to look like an available escape hatch for young girls who are socially non-conforming - one that has the additional bonus of alleviating the anxiety of surrounding adults. We discuss the psychoanalytic concept of 'psychic equivalence' in relation to autism, the difficulty of not understanding or being unwilling to follow feminine social scripts, and how a Trans identity can be a way to explain disinclination to socially conform and, vitally, perhaps be forgiven for it.
The PMC and middle-classes, as fervently ideologically conforming due to their anxiety-provoking position sandwiched between the bourgeoisie and working-class, have no reasoning available to them as to why a child might not want to conform by adopting dominant norms and highly gendered social scripts, because they ultimately cannot fathom why anyone would not want to advance themselves wherever possible. Transgenderism provides not only an explanation, but affords the PMC and middle-class parents cover for their hostility towards anyone without their values, including their own offspring.
Plus, the strangely sexualised marketing to adolescents of Playboy Bunny t-shirts and stationary, the bizarre measures adults take to groom adolescents into heterosexual social relations, and the very clear social messages of hatred and hostility gender non-conforming girls receive within the family and from the media. -
Ballerina Farm are the Trad lifestyle family vloggers going viral after a Times interview revealed the 'farm wife' had given up ballet at Juilliard to begin having her first of eight children with her husband, who is heir to a billion dollar airline.
We discuss the labour-intensive reality of farm work, the literal dirt involved in domestic labour that stays hidden, and how women’s time and labour is considered of less value to men’s. Plus, the cringe concept of ‘date night’, the nature of regret as forgoing rather than doing, opportunity as time-sensitive, men’s resentment online over women in cosy office jobs, rational choice theory, the perils of social media couple vlogging, lesbian’s fast pace of marriage and divorce, and British collective cynicism vs. American frontier individualism. -
The UK's Labour government has announced a proposal to introduce euthanasia for the terminally ill. We approach that in the latter 40 minutes of this episode, after a discussion of what it's like to be a feminist in public. Expressing feminist ideas in public can lead to encountering attention seeking tactics and subsequently becoming blackpilled. We also discuss the combination of radical feminist theory with socialist feminist practice, and men adopting feminist understandings due to novelty. The latter half of the episode is concerned with euthanasia, as well as the newly proposed Ozempic injections for the unemployed obese, and work coaches for mental health in-patients. Social constructionism requires state intervention, but this particular form of statecraft is being supported by Humanist organisations pretence that the UK's main opposition is an evangelical Christian contingent that does not exist and is not large enough to be a political force. Little reflection is taking place on how the slippery slope is built-in to euthanisia, leading to, for example, people in Canada with Alzheimer’s being signed-off for euthanasia by their legal guardian family members. Plus, the subjective nature of suffering, the feminist arguments against euthanasia, and the death of capitalist hedonism and its possible monstrous rebirth in euthanasia.
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Gypsy Rose Blanchard has been released from prison after taking part in the plot to murder her Munchausen's by Proxy mother, after decades of neglect, physical abuse, and medical abuse. We discuss women's relationship to their bodies, their children, fictitious disorder (the new term for Munchausen's Syndrome), and the predicament of dealing with a low sense of Self.
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We discuss the rightward political shift in Europe, reflected in both the recent EU election results, and the rise of Nigel Farage's Reform party in the UK this week. Jen gives her prediction that Marine Le Pen will win the French election, and explains why it is in part due to tactical errors of the Left. Plus, how Nigel Farage is pitching himself as the U.K. Trump, making voting Reform seem like a protest vote against the political establishment, in a way not totally dissimilar to Brexit. We put forward that due to the Global North not providing an alternative vision to the status-quo, many are looking to the political Right for change. Increasingly, this is within the context of globalisation vs anti-globalisation / nationalism replacing the traditional political Left / Right dichotomy.
More widely, the disintegration of societal institutions has made the ‘outsiderism’ of Trotskyism, critical theory, and nerd Millennial culture, deeply unpopular. The backlash to the evaporation of social fabric is that being a ‘normie’ is becoming cool, and that it's a sign of superiority to have the hallmarks of social institutions like marriage and religion, given their cultural disavowal and decline. Japan has led the way ahead of us in terms of social trends, such as celibacy, and their housing crisis arriving before ours. Japan's political landscape is one where the younger generations are the most conservative, with older generations being more politically liberal or radical, a situation that is also likely our future. -
We talk about the queer politics of Eurovision and the role of infantilism as an attempt to foreclose political criticism and how no one (not even Graham Norton) can keep up pronoun pretences for more than 5 minutes. We also discuss the flattening effect of the LGBT paradigm, our newly discovered term 'KERF' (Kink Exclusionary Radical Feminist), the frailty of queer politics, and the mind prison of transgenderism. We ask, what would a lesbian Eurovision look like? And are twink performers doing 'bimboism', but for gay men? We conclude that LGBTQ is today centrally about the Q and the T, and occasionally the G.
Plus, through discussion of new lesbian dating show I Kissed A Girl (on BBC iplayer) we dissect political lesbianism as the embryonic form of woke identity politics. We discuss aspects of political lesbianism, such as Self-ID, invasion of lesbian spaces, lesbian erasure, covert entryism, and other Trans-like tactics. That leads to the debate around born this way vs. choice, lifestylism, and what is the definition of a lesbian? (Answer: a female homosexual). -
Last weekend LGB Alliance Conference was attacked by Trans activists releasing insects at their event. We discuss why LGBA inspires such ire from Trans activists and how this attack was a form of resent-filled revenge after losing Self-ID with the Labour government. We also consider why young women are attracted to Transgender activism and why young T and Q activists are so committed to attempting to attach themselves to LGB (voyeuristic proximity to sexuality). Specifically, middle-class TRA women can be understood to be petulant, brattish 'scabs' that have no solidarity with other women who 'go on strike' against gender. Another aspect is how socially underdeveloped young women are attracted to transgenderism because it’s a form of rejecting adult sexuality and adulthood, in a similar kind of way anorexia and political lesbianism are. Plus, devaluing other women as a defence, growing up a tall girl, the abject, the shortsightedness of being young, opting for stunts when can’t organise mass protests, and the phenomenon of 'Trans until graduation'.
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The media and internet has been in uproar about two XY intersex males competing in the women's boxing during the 2024 Olympics. We discuss the history of intersex males competing in women's sport at the Olympics, second-wave feminist Shulamith Firestone's understanding of racialised intrasexual competition and racial solidarity towards men as part of heterosexual competition, DEI, 'white feminism', women's rugby player Ilona Maher, and disqualified intersex athlete Caster Semenya. Plus, lesbophobia in boxing, moralism and moralising, continental philosophy vs. analytic philosophy, why the upper middle-class are often thick as lack knowledge from experience, liberals as conflict avoidant, and the U.K. utterly falling apart over the last few weeks.
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We contrast drag queen's humiliation of women with the unwillingness to humiliate men on similarly dark terms, using the examples of rap battling and drag kings. We also examine drag subculture as fuelled by sexual jealousy, with contempt and resentment towards women at the motivational heart of why gay men want to do drag queen performances in the first place. Plus, drag kings as banal cringe, the over-reliance on sexual humour in LGBT culture, the problem of what to do for gay rights nowadays from a third sector perspective, the great Mr Meno, LGBTQ+ politics as a strange mix of hyper-sexualisation and infantilism, and the way gay men sometimes use women in a similar way to how straight men do.
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The queens discuss the nuances of attachment theory. Is it a useful theory for examining relationship styles or just more gendered pop psychology BS?
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We discuss how political activism can flatten the personality or erode personal life, and how the Left's narrowing of subjectivity, or ignoring subjective experience, created a space for postmodernism, and its over focus on subjectivity, carte blanche to thrive on the Left. We also comment on why the student Palestine protests are taking the form that they are, the time when the socialist Left was against Queer Theory, and how some people use political activism to work out or deny their psychological problems.
We also discuss how women on the far-Left are considered in the same way as on the political right, namely; base, easily suggestible, and lacking objectivity. Both Hannah and Jen talk about their experiences in socialist groups where there was a suppression and suspicion of any member's subjectivity that fell outside the party's remit or goals. Plus, Trotskyism as opportunism, why the moronic Left had to brand the Canadian truck strikers as 'fascists', Joan Didion's view of the archetypal young Marxist-Leninist, C.S. Lewis's criticism of materialism, how the Left and Right paradigm is breaking down into globalism vs. anti-globalism, and we give a shout out to the Marx Engels Lenin Institute.