Avsnitt
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Tuesday night, the Theater of Public Policy, presented by Danger Boat Productions and City Cast Twin Cities, brought Mayor Jacob Frey and Council President Elliott Payne to the Granada Theater in Uptown for an evening of policy discussion and improv comedy. It managed to be both serious and entertaining. We respect that these city officials showed up.
The evening opened with a discussion about lessons learned from the hiring and firing of former MPD Chief Brian O’Hara. Payne emphasized that the next chief must be an active participant in the reform process, though he qualified that reform is everyone’s responsibility, not one person’s. He wants someone with humility who listens to residents like Michelle Gross, who has led police reform efforts for decades. Someone accountable to the broader community.
Frey largely agreed but offered a defense of O’Hara, noting that crime and complaints had both decreased during his tenure.
What was absent from this discussion, beyond Frey’s brief mention of crime, was any serious treatment of what the next police chief would actually do to reduce crime and attract more officers. The next chief will certainly be tasked with extending reforms. But that is hardly all they need to do. If we have reforms and rampant crime, we will call that a failure.
When politicians talk about crime and policing, they retreat into the academic. They omit the victims. They omit the families recovering from a loved one shot or attacked. They try to reduce it to a math problem, one solved when a specific number of officers are on staff.
Payne offered this calculation:
I actually did a comprehensive study of five years of call data and put together a staffing model with outside consultants who used to be police chiefs, and they calculated that we could meet the calls for service with a police force anywhere between 270 to 450 officers exclusively for 911 calls. That doesn’t cover investigations, that doesn’t cover other administrative work. But that was just the 911 calls for service, especially as you start taking into account the problem nature codes, that’s the wonky technical term for it. Is it a car accident or a bank robbery? There are certain ones we can peel off, like we’ve done with the behavioral crisis response. All of those added up to that number. But that’s actually not the debate.
I think the real math debate here is if it’s going to be thirty million dollars of overtime that we need to cover our basic services.
We’d like to know more about his math. Minneapolis has a higher rate of 911 calls per capita than cities like Portland and Seattle. Year-to-date, the 911 dashboard shows 88,244 Priority 1 and 2 calls — the most serious. Behavioral Crisis Response calls account for 3,341, less than 4%. Right now, there are 638 sworn officers. If every one of them were responding to calls, that would mean each officer would respond to roughly 276 calls per year. Of course, that isn’t how it works. At any given time, officers are out on paid leave for medical reasons or vacation. Others are in administrative roles, as Payne notes.
The math, to us, indicates that MPD officers remain busy responding to calls. But math isn’t the only factor here. Two others demand consideration.
* The City Charter mandates 731 officers based on the Minneapolis population. Frey will likely be found in contempt of court next year because the MPD has failed to maintain this standard. If advocates for reform want to see a smaller force that more closely matches Payne’s math, they will need to change the city charter.
* A majority of residents want more police. It’s one of the reasons Frey was reelected as mayor. They want them trained. They want them to apply the law fairly. But they want them. Wanting more police does not preclude wanting more support for those with mental health issues, drug addiction, or housing and food insecurity. It simply means residents have grown tired of the lawlessness that takes place when the police force is understaffed.
Recent Events
On June 30, the DOJ, along with the FBI, DEA, MPD, and Hennepin County Sheriff’s office, announced charges against 11 people connected to drug trafficking and murder. The indictment included members of the “G Block” gang, who operate in the area of 19th Street and Nicollet Avenue selling fentanyl and cocaine, and members of the “Family Mob,” which operates along Lake Street.
We agreed with Sheriff Dawanna Witt’s comments about the arrest:
Drug trafficking is not just about illegal narcotics. It fuels violence. It exploits people struggling with addiction. It puts the entire community at risk. As outlined in this indictment, these crimes are also connected to serious acts of violence, including murder. No single agency can tackle criminal organizations like these alone. That is why these collaborations matter.
We raise this arrest not to spark sensationalism, but to remind the loud and repetitive voices in Minneapolis that seem to believe we can function without police that the stakes are real. Ride a bike through Lake and Blaisdell and it becomes immediately apparent that significant problems must be addressed to move beyond the current crisis. Speak with the residents on these blocks and the issues become far less academic.
There may be a time in the distant future when the gangs, drugs, and guns currently on our streets are no longer an issue. But that day is not here. And we have not yet seen a roadmap that gets us there.
Minneapolis needs new ideas for moving forward in a realistic and achievable way. It’s one of the reasons that David Therkelsen and I are traveling to Portland, Seattle, and San Francisco starting July 18. Many of the people engaged in debates around policing, housing, and drug addiction seem to have grown rigid in their thinking. We’re hoping to return with fresh perspectives that will broaden the conversation.
If you’d like to contribute to this effort, you can donate at our website or email [email protected].
Better Minneapolis is taking this Fourth of July weekend off. Enjoy the holiday.
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Early Voting Has Begun
Voting for the August 11 primary has begun. If you’ve chosen your candidate, we encourage you to vote early. You can do so in person Monday through Friday from 8 AM to 4:30 PM at Minneapolis Elections & Voter Services, 980 E Hennepin Ave, through July 24. Hours vary from Monday, July 27 through Monday, August 10, so check the website before you go. The office is closed Friday, July 3 for the holiday. If you prefer to vote by mail, visit the city’s Vote by Mail website to apply for a ballot. Notably, the site includes a feature that lets you track your ballot the way you would a UPS package.
Sample Ballot
Steve Simon, the incumbent Secretary of State, is the only DFL candidate for that office. His Republican challengers are Wendy Phillips and Tad Jude. Simon’s office maintains an excellent website for voting information.
We recommend reviewing a sample ballot before you vote. When we looked at ours, we discovered an At Large School Board position on the ballot. We know little about the candidates, other than that Michael Baskins ran for Ward 2 City Council last year. We also learned that the Hennepin County Attorney’s race is technically nonpartisan — something we hadn’t realized, given that most of the candidates sought the DFL endorsement.
We recognize this doesn’t fit with the hyper-partisan nature of today’s politics, but we’d prefer there be no party endorsements in nonpartisan races. What it means to be DFL isn’t entirely clear to us. We don’t know what it means to be Republican either. From what we can tell, much of the local DFL now aligns more closely with the DSA, while the state DFL more closely resembles what most people think of as the traditional Democratic platform. Those are two quite different things. The Minneapolis Times has been running an informative series of articles examining the DSA platform, which we recommend.
Who defines the party seems to depend on who shows up at endorsement conventions, and those showing up appear to be DSA-aligned. There are some DSA platform positions we support. For example, we believe the U.S. healthcare system is overdue for an overhaul. How that would be paid for and what it would cover is a debate worth having, and one where the two wings of the DFL could likely find common ground. Agreement on something like healthcare would expand the party’s reach and demonstrate to non-political-junkies that the DFL can be productive without tearing itself apart.
When it comes to candidate endorsements, however, we’d like to know which version of the party is doing the endorsing. In the case of Cedrick Frazier’s Hennepin County DFL endorsement, it appears the DSA-aligned wing carried the day. We didn’t discuss this during our interview with him, but we’d welcome him back to explore whether his endorsement makes him the DSA candidate or the DFL candidate. Until the party sorts out its identity, we won’t be placing much weight on endorsement conventions. In fact, we’d prefer more candidates skip the expense and pageantry of these events altogether — the way Angie Craig did.
What Does the Hennepin County Attorney Do?
The Hennepin County Attorney is the chief prosecutor for approximately 1.3 million residents spread across Minneapolis, 44 cities, and surrounding rural communities. The office has more than 500 staff and a $92 million budget. While prosecution of criminal cases could be seen as nonpartisan that isn’t entirely true in practice. What makes the job inherently political is the setting of policies and priorities that guide prosecuting attorneys: when to charge, when to plea-bargain, when to refer someone to a diversion program. The County Attorney sets the tone for those decisions, and those decisions affect the lives of people being prosecuted, crime victims, and the broader community.
Beyond the Criminal Division, the office includes a Civil Division, which provides legal representation to Hennepin County government; Children & Families, which handles youth prosecution, child protection, and child support; and Community Affairs, which oversees victim services and community engagement. It is an important role — one we want filled by the right person. The term is four years, and the bar for recall is intentionally high: at least 25% of registered voters who participated in the previous election must sign a recall petition.
The August primary will narrow the field to the top two candidates, who will then appear on the November ballot. Whoever ultimately wins, we predict there will be controversy. This office has been a lightning rod for it for decades. Under Mike Freeman (2007–2023), the office faced backlash over its decision not to press charges in the Jamar Clark case and its slow response to the George Floyd murder. Under Mary Moriarty (2023–present), controversy has followed a plea deal involving Zaria McKeever, the decision to prosecute a Minnesota State Trooper for murder in the shooting of Ricky Cobb II, and an ongoing standoff with the Departments of Homeland Security and Justice over evidence related to the actions of federal agents — an issue that may well land in the next County Attorney’s lap.
We can’t predict what controversy the next term will bring, but we’re confident there will be one. That’s why, when we vote, we’ll be focused on qualifications and on which candidate we believe can act with fairness and composure even when the world around them seems to be spinning out of control.
Hennepin County Attorney Candidate Forum — Voter Guide Summaries
Prepared from the League of Women Voters candidate forum, June 25, 2026. All summaries are nonpartisan and based solely on candidates’ own statements. Candidates are listed in alphabetical order. We encourage readers to watch the forum to learn which of these candidates best represents the values they believe are important. Better Minneapolis interviewed each of the candidates. Links to those candidate interviews are embedded in the candidate names.
Anders Folk
Anders Folk is a lifelong Minnesotan and University of Minnesota graduate who served as a Marine Corps lawyer before becoming a federal prosecutor. He later served as Acting U.S. Attorney for the District of Minnesota, in which capacity he signed the indictment charging Derek Chauvin with civil rights violations, and subsequently worked under the U.S. Deputy Attorney General in Washington, D.C. Folk frames his candidacy around “compassion and consequence,” arguing that effective prosecution requires experience navigating the full criminal justice spectrum. On key issues, he supports proactive community education on gun violence alongside vigorous enforcement, advocates for diversion and restorative justice programs to reduce racial disparities, and proposes establishing a federal prosecution task force to pursue state-law violations by federal agents. He emphasizes transparent and consistently applied plea policies, a victim-centered approach he plans to codify in a “Victims’ Bill of Rights,” and regular public office hours as county attorney. Folk points to his leadership experience at the U.S. Attorney’s Office and in the Marine Corps as preparation for managing the 500-person office.
Cedrick Frazier
Cedrick Frazier is the DFL-endorsed candidate in this race, having received over 61% of the vote at the party convention. He came to Minnesota to attend college on a football scholarship. He grew up in a high-poverty, high-violence neighborhood on Chicago's South Side and was the first in his family to earn a college degree. He went on to gain his law degree. His professional background spans public defense, legal counsel for Minneapolis Public Schools, labor law with Education Minnesota, service on the New Hope City Council, and three terms in the Minnesota House of Representatives, where he was vice chair of the Public Safety Committee and co-chaired the Ways and Means Committee. Frazier authored Minnesota's Extreme Risk Protection Order (red flag) law and championed additional resources for investigating non-fatal shootings. He emphasizes a broad, systemic view of public safety — stressing accountability alongside prevention and rehabilitation — and plans to address racial disparities through school partnerships, diversion programs, and juvenile justice reform. He commits to transparent public dashboards, clear charging policies developed collaboratively with office staff, and has the endorsements of Attorney General Keith Ellison, U.S. Senator Tina Smith, and the union representing county attorney office staff.
Diane M. Krenz
Diane Krenz is the only candidate in the race with direct prosecutorial experience inside the Hennepin County Attorney’s Office, having worked there for over 40 years — from a law clerkship in 1983 through April 2025, most recently leading the fraud unit and serving in union leadership. She argues the office has become politicized under current leadership and pledges that, if elected, partisan considerations in prosecution decisions would end the day she takes office. Krenz emphasizes following sentencing guidelines, reinstating clear and consistently applied charging policies, and rebuilding relationships with law enforcement across all Hennepin County departments. She supports prosecuting felons in illegal possession of firearms to the statutory maximum (60 months) and charging gun cases arising from traffic stops that she says are currently being declined. On racial disparities, she advocates a race-neutral application of the law while acknowledging that most victims of the crimes she prosecuted were people of color. She also pledges to restore victim communication practices she says have deteriorated, reinstate website publication of case results, and reinstate community victim impact statements.
Hao Nguyen
Hao Nguyen came to the United States as a refugee, was raised by a single mother, and learned English as a second language. He worked as a correctional officer and police officer to put himself through college, then became a career prosecutor. He currently serves as Division Director of the Ramsey County Attorney’s Office — the second-largest prosecution unit in the state — where he oversees more than 40 attorneys. Nguyen highlights concrete results from his current role: raising the clearance rate for non-fatal shootings from 33% to 67% through a collaborative law enforcement program; co-filing a lawsuit against Glock over illegal machine-gun conversions; developing a traffic stop policy with law enforcement that reduced racial disparities in stops and searches by more than half; and launching a “Reimagining Youth Justice” program that reduced racial disparities in youth recidivism by over 53%. He is endorsed by Hennepin County Sheriff Dawanna Witt and describes himself as the only candidate already actively prosecuting cases arising from Operation Metro Surge. Nguyen also points to personal lived experience — a brother who faced deportation proceedings, an LGBTQ transgender child, and a decade of leadership at a domestic violence shelter — as informing his commitment to balancing public safety with fairness.
Matt Pelikan
Matt Pelikan has spent nearly 15 years as a civil litigator, including extensive pro bono work representing victims of harassment and domestic abuse in obtaining protective orders. He describes himself as the only candidate running from outside the political and prosecutorial establishment, arguing that restoring public trust requires new leadership and fresh perspectives. Pelikan resigned from his law firm in January over its representation of a federal agent involved in the Operation Metro Surge shootings, and has since advised municipalities nationally on accountability for gun industry actors and federal agents. He frames his campaign around the dual pillars of safety and justice, arguing neither is achievable without the other. He is critical of what he views as inconsistent charging decisions and a lack of written policies under the current administration. He cited the contrast between how a Tesla-keying incident and a first-time offense by a young Black woman were handled in the same week. Pelikan supports data-driven diversion programs — noting the current office has nearly halved youth recidivism rates through such approaches — while pledging to reclaim public spaces from untreated addiction and mental illness. He proposes a dedicated task force to pursue prosecutions of federal agents who violated state law during Operation Metro Surge, and emphasizes that these cases will require experienced, independent legal judgment.
Summary
In addition to interviewing each of these candidates, we have seen them speak at two separate forums. Each time, different aspects of their platforms have stood out to us. Hennepin County residents may find this a difficult race to call.
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Saknas det avsnitt?
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On a recent trip to Chicago, we found ourselves contradicting ourselves as we explained to friends that Minneapolis is safe. We live in South Minneapolis, and we have never referred to it as “unsafe.” We still wouldn’t. But it was difficult to explain how, in the past year alone, our house was broken into and a man with a knife fled through the front window. Then a dozen neighborhood vehicles had their windows smashed in a single night. A man was chased through our yard at 7:15 AM by an extremely large and agitated man claiming the chased man had broken into his car. Days later, the catalytic converter of our car was stolen. We added to the litany: we were blocked from using Nicollet recently because of an active shooter, one that drew armored vehicles and multiple snipers to the area of Alex Pretti’s murder.
We hadn’t intended to be shocking. Our friends, visiting from Brooklyn via Chicago, laughed when we defended our city as safe. Nothing similar had happened to them on the streets of New York.
The Stubborn Statistics
We’d like to see our local politicians as preoccupied with crime as they are with bath houses and whether our city codes have the correct gender-inclusive language. They may not have noticed, but unlike the rest of the country, nearly every crime category in Minneapolis is trending at or above where it was this time last year. If July 4th marks the heart of summer, there might be much more to come.
There have been a few disturbing examples lately that received little attention. On Sunday, one person was shot and killed and another wounded near the Wedge Coop. Police said one group fired on another. Then on Monday, three people were shot near University Avenue Northeast, one with life-threatening gunshot wounds. Multiple rounds of gunfire erupted, and several people were seen running from the area. Here’s what we typically learn about these shootings: “No arrests have been made and MPD forensic scientists processed the scene and collected evidence.”
The lack of concern from elected officials occupying City Hall is disappointing. They seem to have plenty of time to chatter on social media about causes they personally care about, but when it comes to families and victims impacted by shootings and other serious crimes in this city, they are quiet. One gets the sense they believe that if they simply ignore what is happening, it will go away. We recognize the city has initiated its coordinated Operation Safe Summer, but recent events give us reason to think its effectiveness will be marginal.
Violence interrupters, Community Safety Ambassadors, and other programs continue to show few results, but they are liked in theory and so they continue without question. If anyone claims these programs are effective, they’re implying the level of violence in the city would be even worse than current levels without them.
Preventing crime is complex. We understand there are many factors that lead to gun violence. One of them: gangs fueled by money earned from selling destructive drugs like crystal meth and fentanyl on our streets. They have turf to protect. Grievances are settled with guns. These crimes don’t fit neatly into calls for harm reduction and voluntary treatment.
There must be a more holistic approach, one that spans multiple agencies and treats the sale and use of these highly addictive and dangerous drugs as having consequences beyond the individual user. Before that user bought their packets, a string of laws was broken and lives were ruined to get it to them.
A friend of mine showed me live video from outside his apartment building a few weeks ago. Within fifteen minutes, at least half a dozen drug deals took place. Multiple calls to police were met with resistance. He was told that if they don’t allow the drug dealing, dealers will simply move somewhere else. Neighbors feel held hostage, unable to walk safely on their street.
These problems extend beyond the user. There must be a mix of incentives that encourage treatment, education, healthcare, housing, and job placement that can slow down shootings and drug use in this city. However, we won’t get there without sustained attention from elected officials, and that is currently absent.
The Citizen Responsibility
To be clear: highlighting these issues is more than a call for more police. As we see time and again, they are picking up shell casings after the shootings take place. They rarely prevent crimes, and the rate at which they solve them is terrible. More police could act as a deterrent, but that is but one factor. More police could also contribute to higher clearance rates. Crime victims deserve greater accountability from the system.
Family. Economic development. Jobs. Education and the opportunity for improving an individual’s life, these would seem as great, or greater, determinants of crime involvement than the current anti-violence programs being funded by the city and county.
Residents and politicians who stoke the flames of righteousness will need to stop turning their backs on the problem for progress to be made. At the recent DFL endorsing conventions, some delegates literally turned their backs on Sheriff Witt. This act of performative virtue signaling accomplished nothing other than showing that the DFL is bereft of ideas for how to address the daily harm victims of crime are experiencing.
It’s easy to oppose the police with a poster or a post on social media. It’s incredibly difficult to give someone a reason to stay in school, work hard, and start a family. Those actions take time. They’re difficult. And the sense of pride they elicit contains more private joy than flash.
The violence taking place in our streets. The dismissive attitude about it. The families forced to care for the wounded and maimed. These are causes worth our attention. Until we can change the current trajectory in a meaningful way, Minneapolis will continue to tread in the murky waters of stagnation.
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His name was Kenneth White. He was 19 years old when Pearl Harbor was bombed on December 7, 1941. According to my father, Ken ran naked from his barracks in search of cover. It wasn’t until he found the safety of a bunker that he realized the bottom of his feet were cut and bleeding. As many military men do, he moved his family all over the world, Puerto Rico (my grandmother loved it), North Carolina, Germany, Kansas, and others. He was married four times. My grandmother was his third wife. Three divorced him; one died before she could.
After retiring from the military, Ken lived in San Diego and then moved to the Villages in Florida, where he died at 94. He enjoyed tending his roses, driving a Dodge Charger extremely fast, reading cheap Old West novels, and long-distance running. When he visited my father in Kansas City, he’d sit on a kitchen stool most of the day, telling stories. He smelled of Old Spice aftershave and talcum powder. Around 3 p.m., he’d start drinking Budweiser and wouldn’t stop until he stumbled to bed around 11. By dinner, he was pretty well sloshed, spending the night talking about how the country was going to s**t. The reasons varied, but mostly they had to do with Black people, Hispanics, gays, women, and Jews. There was no use trying to change his mind. He believed his travels and experience qualified him as an expert. Short of throwing him out on the lawn, we were forced to endure him.
Keep in mind that Fox News launched in 1996. Ken was his own version of it, and if you’d heard him speak, the success of Fox News would come as no surprise. I am the only one in my immediate family who went to college instead of joining the military. My father and brother were in the Navy. My uncles were both in the Army. Even my aunt spent her life doing logistical planning for the Special Forces. Luckily, my father didn’t stay in. I don’t think he wanted that life for his family. Instead, he started his own company as a salesman. It meant traveling most weeks, but at least his family could stay in one place. His choice brought about a generational shift.
Modern Parenting
Fatherhood has changed significantly in the last few decades. More men are involved in their children’s lives, attending sporting events and dance recitals, knowing their kids’ teachers, helping find activities, visiting schools to ensure they’re a good fit. We spend our paychecks on baseball bats, skates, piano lessons, and gymnastics. Many fathers, certainly not all, have chosen to be more accountable, more involved, and more caring than the fathers they knew. There’s an emphasis on being good people. While racism is still woven into the American fabric, the parts of the country where you can speak like my grandfather and not be knocked off your chair are fewer.
Father’s Day is Sunday. While men continue to show their faults, it’s worth taking a moment to recognize that generational change is occurring, too slowly for many, but it is occurring. Many men are making an effort to be more emotionally intelligent, less selfish, more open, more flexible. There are role models of men who lead with integrity, for whom violence is the last and worst solution to problems.
These ideas feel particularly sharp right now because we recently heard the Obamas speak at the opening of their Presidential Library in Chicago. If you haven’t had a chance, it’s worth listening. The contrast to our current government is stark, shocking, even. It was a reminder that we were hopeful once, that we did believe positive change was possible, and that people of different origins, races, and religions could work together in big, audacious ways to accomplish what previously seemed impossible.
It’s easy to forget that America has had leaders who inspired us. Leaders who spoke with eloquence and thoughtfulness. Leaders who sought to bring out the best in each of us rather than turn us against one another. Michelle Obama’s words keep circling through my thoughts:
Because hope is the essential spark that lights the fire of change. But hope is a choice. Whether or not we use our voices to speak up is a choice. Voting is a choice. Being a decent human being is a choice. Believing that we still hold the power to build a country that reflects us all is a choice.
Being a decent father is a choice. Whether you are a biological father, a stepfather, a coach, a teacher, or any man in a position responsible for another human being, you make a choice to treat them with dignity. Men choose whether to emulate the Kenneths of this world or to open their hearts to those who are different from them. They choose whether to be curious about a stranger or to react with fear and hatred. Most of us have had examples of both. We’re grateful that more and more men are choosing to pass on their finest qualities instead of lazily accepting their worst selves.
We’re also grateful there are fathers in the world like Barack Obama, men who can appreciate and care for a woman as confident and successful as Michelle Obama, and who set an example to other men of what a husband and father can be. A man who earned the praise Michelle gave him:
And you did it all with such grace and class and cool that you made the hardest job in the world look like a walk in this beautiful park.
Happy Father’s Day to all the men striving to be a positive force in the lives of their families and children. The world needs you. Keep going.
Thank you for reading.
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The Obama Precedent
It’s ancient history, but Barack Obama was the first candidate to forgo public campaign financing and spending limits for his presidential campaign. On June 19, 2008, he sent a video message to supporters explaining that small-dollar donations would easily surpass the money he’d gain from public matching funds and those same donations would allow him to avoid spending limits. Obama broke the system with his popularity. No presidential candidate since has accepted limits.
In his campaign for Mayor of New York City, Mamdani made a video asking people to volunteer instead of sending money. He had raised too much. He agreed to a $7.9 million expenditure cap and had to announce in both the primary and general election that he was halting his fundraising. It’s a rare politician indeed who finds themselves in such an awkward position.
We mention these examples because the latest round of Minnesota campaign contributions were just released. We understand that money is the lifeblood of a political campaign, but that doesn’t mean we like it. Without donations, campaigns are unable to hire staff, make commercials, or mail flyers and print yard signs. The fact is that modern society is awash in distractions. TV was only the beginning. Now there are multiple streaming services, social media platforms, newsletters, radio, and podcasts. For a candidate to break into the consciousness of the average voter, it takes significant effort and funding. However, we can recognize the reality of modern campaigning and still be uncomfortable with it. There are simply too many examples of how donors curry favor and influence over our political arena.
When Too Much Is Too Much
Influence isn’t always bad. There are certainly people aligned with our values who donate to candidates. But it works both ways. Elon Musk is now a trillionaire. His values are often opposed to our own, and yet his wealth gives him tremendous sway over elections. We would argue that democracy is damaged when he, or others like him, threaten to primary an elected official if that official doesn’t do their bidding. This type of influence goes far beyond buying ads or yard signs to promote a candidate.
We may be in the minority, but we would like to see more elections where candidates qualify for public funding and adhere to spending limits. We’ve watched as vast amounts of money have been spent on unsuccessful campaigns. In his 104-day campaign for President, Michael Bloomberg spent approximately $1.1 billion. On his campaign for governor of California, Tom Steyer, another billionaire, spent $216 million. Michelle Cottle sums up our feeling about this spending in her New York Times opinion piece: “He Spent $558 Million. What a Waste.”
It’s nearly impossible not to think about the good in society that could be accomplished if these campaign funds were funneled into more human-centered projects. How many homeless could have been housed? How many lives could have been saved from drug overdoses? The list of worthy pursuits is long. There’s also no guarantee that the candidate who raises and spends the most will be the best leader. They may have charisma and connections, but the nuts and bolts of political office are more mundane. Often the “candidate” may not be a talented “politician,” or someone who can work the levers of compromise in order to achieve the best outcomes for their constituents. The skills involved frequently do not align.
If you review the figures that candidates have raised in their quest to be Minnesota’s next Governor, Senator, or Attorney General, you may be tempted to decide who will win based on who has raised the most money. But it’s worth pausing to consider who you like best, regardless of their purse size. Reforms to our campaign financing are needed, but they won’t be enacted anytime soon. Until then, it’s up to us to sort through the distractions and spin and elect the best person for the job.
Thank you for reading.
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The Counter Argument
For today’s interview, I sought out someone with real-world experience in property ownership around Uptown. I wanted to test the claims made in Christian Heller’s May 26 Star Tribune Commentary, “Stop scapegoating homeless people for Uptown’s problems”, particularly his explanations for the area’s vacant storefronts.
Heller argued, first, that landlords are using spaces for passive speculation and that store size is part of the problem. Bruce counters that major tenants like the Kitchen Window, Urban Outfitters, and Apple were successful for years. Many attribute the subsequent vacancies to the upheaval following George Floyd’s murder, which drove away both shoppers and businesses. The mayor’s proposed “more doors” approach, subdividing larger spaces for smaller, independent retailers, sounds logical but, as Bruce explains, isn’t the solution many hope it is.
But what struck me most was Heller’s claim about affordable housing: “The property owners who hold vacant space hostage would rather use it as a tax write-off than provide stable homes for the community.” I’ve heard this refrain in progressive circles often enough, but Bruce, who has firsthand market experience, calls it unfounded. As he points out, any tax benefit a landlord receives falls far short of the losses from vacancy. It’s like spending a dollar to get back 60 cents. Yes, you could lose the entire dollar, but 40-cent losses on every dollar will still destroy your business.
The real issue, then, isn’t economics, it’s credibility. If Heller had two decades as a landlord under his belt and could explain how to profit from vacant buildings, his argument might land. Instead, the piece follows a familiar pattern: people without business experience telling those who operate in it what they should do. It mirrors a city government stocked with policy experts and nonprofit leaders who have high confidence in their ability to shape business operations, despite limited exposure to how markets actually work. That’s not an argument for excluding nonbusiness voices from government, but there’s a strong case that Minneapolis would be stronger if our leaders solicited more input from the business community and genuinely grappled with the real-world costs of the policies they pass.
Wanting to Be Positive
Tuesday morning started poorly. My wife’s urgent texts arrived during a meeting: someone had stolen our muffler overnight. She discovered it when she tried to leave for work, the noise had even woken neighbors down the block.
Later, heading to record with Bruce, I was rerouted off 28th Street. A dozen squad cars, armored vehicles, a helicopter, and what became Interim Police Chief Bill Peterson’s first crisis was unfolding. A man released from prison, a wanted fugitive, had fired on police. The lockdown lasted hours. During our interview, sirens continued and cell phone alerts went out. After we finished, the entire block where Alex Pretti was murdered remained swarmed with police. According to Star Tribune reports, the area “has been stressed for months by immigration enforcement, drug use and the rising cost of living.”
Some days in Minneapolis, staying positive takes real effort. But Bruce and I did find a few reasons for optimism. We closed discussing the bright spots Uptown has lately, less visible drug use, returning businesses, the Art Fair coming back August 7–9, and a new movie club started by Uptown United. There are wins to celebrate. On days like Tuesday, though, you have to work harder to see them clearly.
Thank you for reading.
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The Humphrey Mondale dinner Firday night drew a sold-out crowd to the Minneapolis Convention Center. For DFL leaders and donors, it was an opportunity to network and discuss the party’s path forward. Past keynote speakers have included Hakeem Jeffries, Nancy Pelosi, Hillary and Bill Clinton, and Elizabeth Warren. This year’s speaker was Andy Beshear, Governor of Kentucky, a choice that carried a message.
Beshear’s record speaks for itself. According to the DFL website: “The Beshear administration has secured more than $35 billion in private sector investment, the most of any governor in state history, driving over 60,000 new full-time jobs and supporting over 1,100 new and expanded business projects. Under his leadership, Kentucky has achieved record budget surpluses and experienced historically low unemployment rates.”
That’s a resume most governors envy. It also gives weight to his central message: Democrats need to stop using jargon like “justice-involved individuals” and start speaking “normal language,” as Paula Chesley, who attended the event, shared with us. Beshear understands the reputational damage Democrats have inflicted by importing language from sociology seminars into everyday conversation. Surveys confirm it: people dislike Trump, but they dislike Democrats even more.
The polling points to two areas where the DFL could gain traction with voters, if they develop a coherent plan: the economy and immigration.
The Economy
Ditching classroom scrubbed language for plain speech is necessary. But it’s not enough. The DFL must demonstrate that it can improve people’s economic lives, that working people can earn wages to raise families and afford healthcare. While Republicans have lost credibility on the economy, that hasn’t automatically benefited Democrats. Minnesota needs a comprehensive state economic plan.
Agriculture accounts for roughly 15% of the state’s total economic output and supports over 320,000 jobs. Tariffs and climate volatility have made farming increasingly precarious, an opportunity for the DFL to build a stability plan. Meanwhile, Minnesota’s urban centers are scrambling. Minneapolis pins hope on the 2028 NFL Draft, but one-off events are short-term boosts; most of that revenue flows to downtown hotels and restaurants, not throughout the regional economy. We need something with real reach.
Rochester offers one model: a strategic focus on healthcare and life sciences, advanced manufacturing, technology and software, and education. We don’t need to copy it, but we do need a regional plan that actively encourages businesses to locate here. Right now, a company considering Minneapolis faces a wall of regulations and taxes first, amenities like parks, schools, and community come second, if at all.
Outsiders see instability and chaos. There are real differences between the state DFL’s message and Minneapolis’s more DSA-aligned wing. But unless you’re deeply embedded in local politics, you won’t grasp those distinctions. What you see instead is a city divided, one that seems hostile to the conditions that attract jobs and investment. The math is simple: we cannot shrink the tax base by driving out employers while expanding government employment.
Immigration
Minneapolis residents earned the recognition they received for their response to ICE enforcement. At great personal risk, many stepped between federal agents and their immigrant neighbors. We showed the world what people-powered resistance looks like when facing government overreach.
But what’s next? Opposing Trump is part of the answer, though without Senate control, Democrats will be reduced to Instagram complaints. The harder work begins with sanctuaries that actually function.
Minneapolis welcomed a large influx of Ecuadorians fleeing gang violence and economic collapse. That was the right call. But it requires a real plan. When these families enter our schools, we need Spanish-language teachers to support them. Without that preparation, something dangerous happens: residents who initially supported sanctuary policies watch their schools and neighborhoods struggle under the strain and grow resentful. It’s not racist to demand that politicians who pass sanctuary policies fund the services those policies require. When they don’t, it reads as precisely the kind of poor governance that pushes people away from the DFL, and into the arms of alternatives.
Republicans understand this vulnerability well. They’ve bused migrants to blue cities, then deployed a media apparatus of cable news and content creators to document the resulting chaos. A strong DFL immigration policy must be both enforceable and affordable. Without it, the party will remain a target.
Reckoning
Both party conventions, DFL and Republican, offered ample evidence that it might be time to rethink the endorsement process altogether. The Los Angeles mayoral race provides an instructive contrast: their jungle-primary system advances the top two vote-getters regardless of party backing. Right now the race for second is a toss-up between the reality-TV figure Spencer Pratt and Councilwoman Nithya Raman, with incumbent Karen Bass holding a lead.
Many Minnesota candidates are ignoring party endorsements. It raises an obvious question: what’s the point of all that energy and money?
Ken Martin, the DNC chair, was forced to release the party’s after-action report from the last presidential election. One of the less discussed points: the party spends too much time talking to itself and not enough time in the communities it claims to represent. Most voters don’t care about internal party machinery. They want results. They want jobs, schools, healthcare. They’ll support any candidate who credibly promises to deliver those things.
If the DFL wants to expand its base, the answer is clear: listen harder to the obstacles people face, then build policies that address them. Explaining those policies in normal language only works if the DFL has actually done the work to produce results. Words come second. Delivery comes first.
Thank you for reading.
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Lyndale Avenue Reconstruction
On Monday evening, business owners along Lyndale Avenue invited Mayor Frey to the Uptown VFW for a listening session. He may have thought he was walking into a respectful gathering. Instead, he found himself in a standing-room-only rally, business owners and their supporters on one side, biking advocates seeking to preserve the latest design on the other, and a large contingent of Minneapolis press documenting every word. Everyone came ready for a fight.
Hennepin County controls this project. Lyndale Avenue is County Road 22, so the county manages the budget and leads the design process. However, because the road runs through city limits, the city council and mayor must approve the design. If the two parties disagree, state law provides a dispute resolution process. The county has a website with detailed project information for those who want to dig deeper.
Business owners fear the current plan will hollow out the corridor, just as it has along Hennepin Avenue. When they pleaded for a slower timeline or design changes, bike supporters responded with boos and dismissive remarks. The message was unmistakable: we don’t care if your business survives.
Several concerns raised during the meeting validate their worries. First, the newly opened Hennepin Avenue shows what’s at stake. A concrete median down the middle narrows the road and stalls traffic whenever someone parallel parks. Emergency vehicle access becomes a nightmare if an accident occurs, and accidents will happen. Just weeks ago, a car flipped onto the sidewalk in front of the C.C. Club. Now imagine that scenario on Lyndale Avenue when traffic has nowhere to go.
Then there’s winter. Snow removal in Uptown is already a mess; many people avoid the neighborhood between November and March because parking and navigation become nearly impossible. With the street, bike lanes, and walkway all needing snow removal, where to put it becomes a challenge. The city could haul snow away in trucks, but that’s expensive and time-consuming. Biking is nearly non-existent during this time period. Add two years of construction, narrowed roads, and fewer parking spots, and you’ve guaranteed a winter parking catastrophe that extends well beyond the project timeline.
The third issue: business survival during construction. Two years of disruption will empty the corridor. According to Mayor Frey, there’s no money to help. That’s unacceptable. The county and city need to either shrink the timeline to one year, even if it means three construction shifts daily, or provide direct financial support to affected businesses. It’s inexcusable. Carol Becker reported in the Minneapolis Times in December that the city budgeted $150,000 for a consultant to lead the Prince Sing-Along. If I owned a business on Lyndale and the city told me there’s no reconstruction assistance available, I’d stop believing anything they say about priorities.
Mayor Frey spoke for about ten minutes at the end. He didn’t commit to any specific actions if the city council approves the design this month. But he stayed after the event, talking to people who were openly hostile. That matters. Most politicians leave quickly when crowds turn cold. He didn’t. His willingness to engage, even with critics, stands out.
The People’s Way Is a Long Way from Completion
The Business, Housing & Zoning Committee voted to deny the city’s recommendation of the Agape Movement for redevelopment of the Peoples’ Way. Ward 9 Council Member Jason Chavez brought the motion, supported by Jamal Osman, Aurin Chowdhury, and Aisha Chughtai. They chose denial, rather than sending the decision back to staff, specifically to preclude Agape Movement from future consideration.
It was the right call. Agape Movement wasn’t ready. As Chavez and Ward 8 Council Member Soren Stevenson pointed out in their press conference, the group lacked “the right experience and support” for the project. Council Member Shaffer questioned the group’s finances. Agape operates both an LLC and a nonprofit; the city has a contract with the LLC, but city representatives couldn’t explain what was in it or how much had been spent.
The city stipulated that development must be conducted by a nonprofit. That restriction may be shrinking the pool of qualified applicants. The project is back to square one if the full council votes to uphold the committee vote. The city may want to drop the requirement that the process be led by a nonprofit. Let for-profit developers bid. Add a stipulation that they partner with a nonprofit, the final design and city sign-off will protect community interests regardless. There’s no reason to disqualify capable developers just because they’re in business to make money.
Division Comes with a Cost
Driving through Theodore Wirth Park on Tuesday afternoon, Minneapolis felt like a great place to live. People were biking, running, golfing in the sunshine, from a distance, they looked like they didn’t have a worry in the world. Walk into any Minneapolis meeting about biking, transportation, public safety, or economic development, and the mood shifts completely. You feel the weight of every ideological division the city carries.
Listening to the protesters on Monday, I was struck by their entitlement, arrogance, and ableism. They were young with few physical limitations. They were also 99% white. Few BIPOC voices were present, let alone leading the charge against small business owners. Their sense of injustice runs far deeper than bike lanes.
As one speaker pointed out, the protesters aren’t fighting Elon Musk or Walmart. They’re fighting yoga studio owners, dry cleaners, and restaurant operators. Most of these business exist on very small profit margins. They are people who almost certainly vote progressive. The protestors acted as though the jobs and tax revenue these businesses provide have no bearing on the community’s success.
The protesters are a vocal, organized minority who don’t recognize how many depend on vehicles not by choice, but out of necessity. They remind one of MAGA supporters, loud, angry, convinced they’re not being heard (despite prioritizing their voices in the design process), and utterly indifferent to anyone who disagrees. Drive down Hennepin, Blaisdell, or Bryant and you can see exactly who was heard.
The Minneapolis City Council and Hennepin County Commission listen to these activists because they’re organized and visible. But that minority view doesn’t represent most residents. Most people drive. Most business owners are trying to rebuild after six devastating years. The city is driving out the families and entrepreneurs invested in seeing Minneapolis recover by prioritizing ideology over neighborhoods’ economic survival.
If you want to be heard, listen first. Show respect before you demand it.
Thank you for reading.
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The Reform Agenda
Minneapolis must ask itself what it wants from the police and how we’re going to prioritize our public safety dollars. Chief O’Hara resigned on the heels of the 6th Anniversary of George Floyd’s murder, an occasion that saw community gatherings of remembrance and panels devoted to pushing for greater change within the Minneapolis Police Department. Social media has been abuzz with denunciations of Mayor Frey and Chief O’Hara since the resignation. Despite his shortcomings, many believe that Minneapolis is unlikely to find another chief of O’Hara’s caliber anytime soon. However, others have piled on the recrimination and are making the case his performance was unfit from the start.
We’d like to point out that on Friday morning at 8:30 a.m., two people were shot downtown at Ninth Street South and Nicollet. It’s our opinion that while the factions within the city battle over the philosophy of policing, crime continues to impact the daily lives of residents. The daylight shooting near Target’s corporate headquarters sends a message that Minneapolis is out of control. While Minneapolis may be improving in some areas, it’s worth examining whether we are spending too much time analyzing the police and not enough trying to combat the root causes of crime. One of the victims shot downtown was a 44-year-old bystander waiting for a bus. This story, like so many, gets buried in the onslaught of other news, but the victims remember. They won’t forget. On Saturday, the city honored the memory of Police Officer Jamal Mitchell by renaming a stretch of Blaisdell Avenue South after him. He was killed while responding to a shooting in 2024. His family will feel his absence for the rest of their lives.
Hot summers historically correlate with higher crime rates. We expect to see more shootings, shots fired, stolen vehicles and assaults. Hopefully, it is clear to people that the heat is only one factor in crime rates, just as the number of police is one factor. Unfortunately, because of a depleted number of officers, historical abuses, cost overruns, and continued trouble within the department, we, as a city, seem to place most of our focus on the MPD to either save the city or drag it down. The causes of crime, however, are numerous and we would like to see the city reach a plateau where it can accept that both the police and other social support are needed. The causes of crime often cited include:
* Poverty and Economic Inequality
* Social Environment and Peer Influence
* Family Dysfunction and Childhood Trauma
* Substance Abuse
* Lack of Education and Employment
In this newsletter we often advocate for elected officials to focus more on creating the economic environment necessary for job creation. The reason we do so is because jobs address poverty. When people are working, it can lead to less substance abuse, more family cohesion, and more tax dollars to fund the social safety net needed to assist people with housing and education.
We aren’t advocating for jobs because we’re eager to see capital pool at the top of the economic food chain. Rather, it’s because without them desperation creeps into a city, people go hungry, and they turn on one another. There are many problems with capitalism, and the Democratic Party would be well-served to consider how to ameliorate the worst of these, but at the same time, the jobs created when businesses grow and thrive build community and reduce inequality.
Let the Data Lead
My recent newsletter about the fate of Commissioner Barnette of the Office of Community Safety elicited a number of comments questioning the need for this department. When it comes to safety, it’s worth asking whether the Office of Community Safety reduced crime.
We’d like to see more emphasis on the statistics and less on the ideology driving these programs. For example, to illustrate the importance of data, let’s consider an issue that isn’t a topic of focus right now. Does distributing condoms at high schools reduce teen pregnancy? Without looking up any data, our first reaction would be yes, absolutely it does. We would advocate for the county to distribute them everywhere possible to reduce unwanted pregnancies that can lead to reduced education and economic opportunities, especially for women. However, looking up the data, we find a more nuanced picture.
Without counseling and education support, distribution can actually increase unintended pregnancies.
Knowing the data, if we were to design a program to reduce teen pregnancy, we would pair it with counseling and education, otherwise we would have a program, funded by the government, that wasn’t resulting in the desired outcome. Here’s another example, the city raised the price of cigarettes to a minimum of $15. If the goal was to reduce smoking, we would want to see the data. It might be that it has resulted in less cigarette smoking (good) but more use of nicotine packets and vaping (bad). This trade-off might be acceptable, but we want to have the data to inform the path forward.
This same approach would be useful when it comes to the Office of Community Safety. Has it reduced the need for police officers or reduced crime? As for police hours, the amount of overtime being paid would indicate that non-police alternatives such as violence interrupters, safety ambassadors and the behavioral crisis response (BCR) have had very little combined impact. The BCR in particular has been cited frequently to show how police hours have been reduced because calls are routed to community organizations rather than to police. It’s a small sample size and we would like a more robust data set, but Tuesday, 5/26, from 8 a.m to 3 p.m. there were 310 calls directed to the police and 13 directed to BCR, of those, 8 were for a BCR welfare check. If these statistics were emblematic, it would mean roughly 4% of calls that might once have been directed to the police are now directed at non-police alternatives. This analysis is crude, but it would be the basis for determining whether the money being spent on the BCR is being well spent or if the program needs to be changed or eliminated. We’re not advocating either way except to say let’s put more emphasis on data.
Setting aside the specific candidate for Commissioner of the Office of Community Safety, now might be an appropriate time to revisit the goals of this program and the make-up. What data shows whether violence interrupters and other non-police alternatives work?
One metric is to examine homicides and shots fired. These appear to be roughly the same in 2026 as they were in 2025. Year to date Assault offenses are at 4,285, last year there were 4,056. For homicides, there have been 18 so far, last year there were 20 at this point. For shots fired, last year there were 1,769 versus 1,650 so far this year.
It’s worth asking whether the funding allocated to the Office of Community Safety and the host of alternatives to policing are achieving the desired outcome. We often hear about people wanting to see police officers in their communities, walking patrols, rather than only showing up once shots have been fired. More interaction between the police and the community before a crime is committed could reduce crime and improve trust. A trained officer wearing a uniform is a presence that represents order for many people.
The goal in reviewing these services is to support what is working and discard what isn’t instead of assuming that national data used to inform their creation is relevant to our local situation. One of the main reasons the city council has put Commissioner Barnette in administrative purgatory is his handling of the budget. They want answers as to why the police have exceeded theirs for overtime and other categories. That’s a fair question; it is part of their fiscal responsibility. We’re suggesting the review be broader.
The statistics indicate the city has not seen a significant reduction in violence from violence interrupters, nor are patrols of unarmed safety ambassadors leading to less open drug use, robberies, assaults, car thefts, and vandalism. So maybe it's time to look at alternatives to the alternatives. Having data on what is working will benefit the next chief, whomever that person turns out to be.
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It is 8:30 p.m. on Tuesday and we are pulling an earlier version of the newsletter to report that Chief O'Hara has resigned. An investigation into his conduct contained "concerning substantiated findings," though no details have been officially provided. Until they are, we will treat rumors with circumspection.
Beyond the investigation, a range of concerns about O’Hara’s performance had been raised in recent weeks by both DSA-aligned council members and some of the more moderate members. Budget overruns generated significant frustration, as did what some viewed as mishandling of the Davis Moturi shooting and the investigation into Allison Lussier’s death. Some wanted the MPD to play a more active role during Operation Metro Surge. The most frequently cited complaint, however, is what critics considered too slow a pace of reforms within the department. Others in the community viewed O’Hara as a steady presence who made genuine efforts to communicate with the public.
The Chief had been scheduled for a public hearing on June 3. We assume that is no longer on the council’s agenda. This story is developing, and readers can expect more coverage as facts become available.
More Upheaval in an Already Unsettled Moment
O’Hara’s resignation lands on top of an already unsettled moment for public safety in Minneapolis. The failure to confirm a Commissioner for the Office of Community Safety, and now the sudden departure of the Police Chief, leaves a broad field on which to rethink the path forward, if the city has the will to do so.
Two Sides of the Same Frustration
As the searches for a new chief and commissioner begin, we’d like to see a community conversation around what exactly is meant when people speak of reform, and whether that standard can be met. Minneapolis has been through a great deal. This change is yet more upheaval as the city tries to steady itself and regain the upper hand on public safety.
Rate of change is difficult to gauge. For those who have suffered directly from police abuse, reform cannot come fast enough. For those frustrated by crime and lawlessness on their streets, change is also too slow, the difference is that they still believe police are an integral part of the solution. We’re hopeful the current upheaval can be resolved in a way that leaves all residents feeling the MPD is genuinely serving them.
Define Success Before Filling the Seats
As that process unfolds, the central question deserves to be asked plainly: what does success look like, and how will we measure it? The city has an opportunity, amid this reset, to define those outcomes clearly before filling either seat, rather than after.
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Memorial Day is here and with it the unofficial beginning of summer. You can now wear white. For some, the start of summer is the solstice, which this year falls on Sunday, June 21. But don’t let the sunshine fool you. When it comes to cooperation and progress at City Hall, there isn’t the joy of sunshine and festivals that come with the season. Minneapolis City Hall continues to be where dark clouds of disagreement and stagnation hover, a perpetual storm waiting to break.
As with our national politics, the upside for cooperation is limited. Donors and votes follow the uncompromising members of government. Minneapolis residents eager for progress on public safety and improved economic conditions are advised to lower their expectations. It will be a long 3½ years if you place your hopes on significant strides occurring in what appears to be a council and mayor who live in different cities.
The back and forth between the mayor and city council over the nomination of Community Safety Commissioner Toddrick Barnette is an appropriate symbol for the current situation. The city council voted 7-6 for a second time not to approve his nomination, but instead of sending the motion back to Frey for a potential third veto, it was moved into administrative hibernation. At this point, it’s unclear how long Barnette will retain his job. In an odd twist, Wonsley initiated a motion to begin a new nationwide replacement search, but because Ward 8 council member Soren Stevenson abstained from voting, the motion failed with a 6-6 vote. We’re interested to hear why he chose to abstain and will report on his position when we learn more.Let’s pretend for a moment that he had voted with Wonsley to begin a search. Who do they think is going to step up and apply? Yes, the $374,000 salary is the highest in the city, but the gauntlet of criticism and second-guessing that anyone in this role must endure is substantial. The same uncertainty extends to the police chief. Chief Brian O’Hara’s renomination has been assigned to the Public Health, Safety, & Equity Committee with no set schedule for when a public hearing and vote will take place. However, if the questioning from Ward 10 council member Aisha Chughtai is any indicator, the odds of a smooth approval are low. He was repeatedly asked about exceeding his budget, including on food and beverage, parking, advertising, and overtime. Chughtai isn’t the only council member unsupportive of him. It’s quite possible the city will end up searching for both a new Police Chief and Commissioner of Community Safety. The disruption to progress on reform and safety will be substantial, and the search costly.
The motion to spend $6 million for the purpose of purchasing land in the Windom neighborhood of South Minneapolis for a new Community Safety Wellness & Training Center was also voted down in a 7-6 vote.
AI Debate Heats Up the Room
A development award, a decade-old building dispute, and a city council moratorium on data centers may seem unrelated, but all three reveal the same underlying problem: Minneapolis has no coherent plan for ensuring that public investment, whether in nonprofits or private industry, delivers sustainable results.Start with the nonprofits. None of the three major civic development projects currently underway has a credible path to self-sufficiency. Agape Movement will be awarded development rights for the Peoples’ Way if approved by the city council, where they will be tasked with assembling a team to raise funds, design, and build. Their proposal is available online. Our fundamental outlook for their success improved slightly after meeting Thursday with Miles Mercer of CPED and Alex Kado from the Office of Public Service to learn more about the Request for Qualifications process, but many questions remain about what will ultimately become of the Peoples’ Way. They will rely on public grants and private donations.To many, the requirement that the developer be a nonprofit will make sense. For others, it raises concerns about accountability, concerns the Roof Depot situation in East Phillips does little to allay. After ten years of carrying the costs of a vacant building, the city has reached an agreement with the East Phillips Neighborhood Institute (EPNI): the nonprofit will spend $6 million in state-granted funds to buy half the building, while the city retains the other half with no current plans for it. The agreement will allow EPNI to pursue their long-held goal of creating an urban farm on the site. Then there is the Rise Up Center, slated for the former YWCA on Hennepin Avenue. All three projects share the same vulnerability: continued dependence on public grants and the goodwill of politicians. The current track record of Minnesota politicians providing adequate oversight of nonprofit finances and operations is poor, which makes it difficult for us to have confidence in these endeavors.That’s the nonprofit sector. What about private industry? At Thursday’s city council meeting, the first several hours were consumed with a debate over data centers and the creeping role that AI plays in our lives. We fully understand the skepticism, we are as tired as anyone of every program asking whether we want AI assistance. The council stepped back from a full one-year moratorium and adopted a six-month moratorium on data centers over 350,000 square feet, with a public hearing scheduled for mid-June. This debate reflects a national concern about how AI is reshaping the job market. The conversation about how Minneapolis and Minnesota prepare for this technological shift has only just begun.The moratorium on its own is unlikely to keep investors away from Minneapolis. The same could be said of the concrete median running down Hennepin Avenue, it alone didn't cause Red Cow to close. What concerns us is the cumulative effect of decisions and policies that appear to discount the importance of private investment and business to the city's health. High taxes, heavy regulation, and persistent public discord between the mayor and city council are deterrents. These and other debates about non-core issues feed an impression of instability and unpredictability that compounds over time. When someone is weighing where to relocate a business or a family, they are increasingly passing on Minneapolis.The city we moved to 20 years ago looks different from the one that exists today. The schools are struggling. Downtown buildings are no longer generating the taxes they once did. Unemployment runs higher than the national average. City governance appears to be in disarray. For our meeting downtown we rode the bus. Afterwards, we went to write in the library. It required navigating past multiple unhoused individuals asleep in the library, others screaming into cell phones about court dates, and on the way home, a woman nodding off in the bus aisle. Minneapolis needs to take its reputation seriously.The city needs a coherent plan for improving its reputation and attracting the kind of businesses that create jobs. Watching City Hall, we’re confident the plan won’t originate there. What might be more effective is a private group of civic leaders empowered to draft a plan without concern for pleasing the interest groups on which politicians depend. Given the pace of change, particularly with AI, that plan must take shape within the next few years. The choice Minneapolis must make is whether to be known for its foresight or remembered for its infighting.
Thank you for listening and caring about Minneapolis.
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Monday night at the VFW in Uptown, a familiar argument played out. Residents gathered to review reconstruction plans for Lyndale Avenue, and the room quickly divided along predictable lines. Business owners raised concerns about extended construction timelines, reduced parking, and a concrete median that would make their already-struggling storefronts harder to reach. On the other side, advocates pushed for road designs that promote alternatives to driving, such as buses, bikes, and foot traffic, arguing that changing infrastructure is how you change behavior. The debate spilled onto social media before the night was over, bringing with it the usual taunts and high-minded proclamations.
It’s worth stepping back and asking what, exactly, is driving all of this anxiety. At its core, the car-versus-bike debate is a proxy for a larger concern: that we are contributing to climate catastrophe and have a moral obligation to stop it. The logic is straightforward, if human activity is warming the planet, then humans must do everything in their power to reverse course. The problem is that, from where Minneapolis sits, there isn’t much we can actually do. Our city’s emissions account for roughly 0.05% of global output annually. That means if every resident stopped driving tomorrow, no cars, no Amazon deliveries, bikes and boots only, it would make essentially no measurable difference to the planet’s trajectory.
The numbers bear this out. According to an Associated Press report from 2018, admittedly a few years old, but the order of magnitude holds, global CO2 emissions run between 37 and 40 billion metric tons per year. Minnesota’s share is approximately 117 million metric tons, or about 0.29% of the total. Minneapolis, as a portion of the state, accounts for roughly 0.05% of that global figure. And transportation makes up only about 24% of the city’s emissions, the majority comes from heating and powering our homes and businesses. Do the math: if we eliminated every car in the city entirely, Minneapolis’s contribution to global CO2 would drop from approximately 0.05% to about 0.038%.
Turn down the heat
None of this is an argument for giving up. There are real, meaningful reasons to make lifestyle changes, riding the bus, biking to the store, eating less meat, buying used, combining errands, switching to solar. Small choices can add up, and there’s nothing wrong with wanting to feel less complicit in a problem that genuinely worries you. Do what fits your life.
But when those choices become a cudgel, when people who need to drive to work or want their business accessible by car are treated as the enemy, it’s worth asking whether the anger is proportionate to the impact. Someone who bikes their kid to school but flies the whole family to Florida every December may well be generating more carbon than a neighbor who drives daily but never boards a plane. We’re all making trade-offs, and most of us are doing the best we can.
The point is this: even if every person in Minneapolis made every right choice, it would not meaningfully alter the planet’s future. The fury that urban planning decisions tend to generate is wildly disproportionate to the actual environmental stakes. Let’s keep making good choices where we can, and let’s stop treating road design like a moral referendum. The city has real problems to solve. We’ll solve them faster if we’re pulling in the same direction.
Thank you for listening and caring about Minneapolis.
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On Thursday, May 14, Mayor Frey announced that Agape Movement was his choice to be the city’s development partner for the Peoples’ Way. Our research has found no evidence that the group has the “relevant experience” or “financial qualifications” necessary for managing a multi-million-dollar project of this scope. Response to the choice has been criticized by several council and community members, and based on what we’ve found, we understand why.
Agape Movement was formed in 2021 to clear protesters from George Floyd Square. The group lost its nonprofit status in 2023, had it reinstated in 2024, and has yet to file any financial reports or register with the Attorney General’s office. Their website offers little clarity: the About Us section describes the organization this way:
The Agape Movement functions as an umbrella organization providing training opportunities for young adults. We address systematic inequities and offer ideas to reform the criminal justice system. We work at preventing further violence by creating job and training opportunities through personal interaction and boots-on-the-ground interaction.
While we support Agape’s stated aspirations of training youth and providing opportunities that direct them away from violence, there is no mention of property development experience anywhere in their public-facing materials. Susan Du of the Star Tribune has reported on the group’s history in detail, and our elected officials appear to have far more confidence in this organization than the public record warrants.
The concerns go deeper than an incomplete website. In 2024, federal prosecutors alleged that Agape’s ties to the Bloods street gang were more extensive than the organization had acknowledged. From an article in 2024:
Assistant U.S. Attorney Esther Soria Mignanelli wrote in a filing that a “cooperating defendant” would testify that “members, associates, and leaders” of the Bloods helped form the Agape Movement Co., citing “bank and check records,” Mignanelli added that Agape paid “tens of thousands of dollars” to multiple members of the Minneapolis Bloods, money drawn from a City of Minneapolis contract for violence interruption and community outreach work.
In other words, city funds were flowing to known gang members.
That context matters when evaluating the mayor’s decision to select this group to manage a multi-million-dollar development project, especially given that a community survey conducted at significant public expense appeared to point toward a different vision for the site. What, exactly, is the shared vision the mayor is describing? And does it reflect what residents actually said they wanted?
We recently had our own experience with the cost of misplaced trust. I hired someone off Nextdoor to build an enclosure for our air conditioning unit, a simple job, no resume required, just someone who needed the work. They asked for half the contract up front for materials. We expected it done in a day. It took five, broken up by long gaps, uncomfortable negotiations, and a final cost double what we’d budgeted. By the end, I was ready to pay him to stop and find someone qualified, someone with a website, a portfolio, and actual experience. The final product was serviceable, but flawed.
The parallel to this situation is not subtle. There comes a point in every project where you have to decide whether the odds of a successful outcome justify the friction and cost ahead. The city and state have a documented pattern of struggling to hold contracted nonprofits accountable once a project is underway. That’s why we’d recommend that any contract with Agape, or any group selected through this process, include a clear termination clause.
Conclusion
We’ve contacted Mayor Frey’s office to learn more about Agape’s relevant experience. They offered to connect us with the Request for Proposal managers. If that meeting happens, we’ll be asking about the group’s background, their incomplete website, their lack of financial disclosure, and why, despite a community survey that appeared to reflect a different direction, this selection was made. We also want to know why a development process that has already made the neighborhood wait five years is now projected to take two more. What is the budget? Does the contract include a termination clause?
We’re fairly confident the city council will reject the mayor’s choice, and the project will continue to stall. In this case, unless the RFP managers have compelling non-public information about Agape Movement, we would support that rejection. The Peoples’ Way is not a backyard project, it’s a multi-million-dollar development that will shape the square and the surrounding neighborhood for decades. It deserves professional, qualified management.
The Business Committee takes up the issue on June 2. The full council decides on June 11. Road construction on the intersection, long overdue, begins June 8.
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Thank you for reading and caring about Minneapolis.
We spent Saturday afternoon taking in the art and atmosphere of Art-a-Whirl. Sunday, May 17, is the last day. We recommend stopping by Andrea Canter’s studio 218 in the Casket Arts Building. There was a speakeasy in the basement. She was one of several artists whose work we enjoyed. If you can, taking public transit to the event is recommended.
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Introduction
Josh Bassais wants Hennepin County to do its job, on public safety, housing, transit, and county services, and he has a plan to get there. Central to his pitch is better collaboration across levels of government, particularly with the state, at a moment when the legislature holds the fate of HCMC in its hands.
District 3 is shaping up to be one of the more competitive Hennepin County Commissioner races this cycle. Bassais is challenging 12-year incumbent Marion Greene, whom I interviewed last week. Two other candidates, Kevin Chavis and Abdihakim Ibrahim, have also announced.
For Bassais, HCMC isn’t an abstraction, it’s personal. His mother was a young single mom who depended on Hennepin County Health Services, and as a child he benefited directly from those county resources. His father, a severe diabetic on disability in his 30s who suffered two strokes, received long-term care at HCMC. “I remember sitting in dialysis with him at HCMC,” Bassais says, “and it extended some years onto his life.” His father died at 37. That history shapes how Bassais talks about the hospital’s uncertain future: potential closure, he says, “would be an absolute tragedy, not just for folks who live in the county, but the entire state.” He points to HCMC’s Level 1 trauma designation as a resource the region cannot afford to lose. On the funding question, he’s skeptical of the state’s current approach: “What’s proposed at the state is very much a band-aid” that may only hold for a year. He also faults county leadership for not seeing this coming, arguing that after the 2024 election, administrators should have been planning immediately, not scrambling at the last minute before session ends.
Interview Summary
Josh Bassais, a lifelong Minneapolis resident and District 3 candidate for Hennepin County Commissioner, explains why he’s challenging a 12-year incumbent. A product of Minneapolis public schools and Ward 8 resident for nearly five decades, Bassais frames his candidacy around a single, urgent argument: Hennepin County has substituted political theater for actual governance, and the consequences, visible in encampments near his home, stalled transit projects, and an HCMC funding crisis, have fallen hardest on the people the county is supposed to serve. His core pitch is collaboration over gamesmanship, bringing private-sector discipline in budget management and stakeholder alignment to a board he believes has drifted from its basic responsibilities.
On housing and homelessness, Bassais argues for individualized wraparound services that treat the crisis as the public health emergency it is, rather than accepting outdoor encampments as a viable long-term strategy. He criticizes the county’s $200 million investment in the Fort Snelling housing project, roughly $1 million per unit, as a misallocation when affordable units could have been built closer to where people actually live and work. On transit, he uses the Green Line extension as a case study in poor planning and lack of stakeholder engagement, pointing to the community’s tunnel demand as a foreseeable cost driver that should never have blindsided administrators.
Bassais also weighs in on HCMC’s funding uncertainty, the Lyndale Avenue reconstruction’s effect on small businesses, the Sheriff’s office controversy, and youth corrections, consistently returning to the theme that better outcomes require cross-agency collaboration, data-driven accountability, and leadership willing to listen before acting. He closes with a pointed contrast to his opponent: after 12 years, many District 3 constituents don’t know who their commissioner is. Bassais says he’s not in this for the salary, he left corporate America to try to make a difference, and that visibility, empathy, and transparency will define how he serves if elected. The DFL endorsement convention is June 13th.
Thank you for reading and caring about Minneapolis — and Hennepin County.
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This essay is for all the mothers with cracked hands, scarred bellies and breasts, and fantasies of what life might have been like without children.
Brunch and Flowers
A typical image of Mother’s Day is brunch and flowers and a day off from the regular Sunday routine. Those things are well-deserved, and if you’re a mother who has such a day, we hope you enjoy it. You’ve earned the recognition.
However, that image of mothers is incomplete. It’s a Hallmark card that has photoshopped out the brutality, heartache, and tedium of motherhood. It doesn’t do justice to what is asked of women who become mothers, sometimes not by choice. It seems that television, Facebook, and Instagram have homogenized and sanitized motherhood. A mother at home in the kitchen baking, balancing the checkbook, and seamlessly keeping the family schedule up to date is so far off from the experience of many as to be laughable. While many mothers certainly do these things, the picture leaves out the battles and tears and loneliness that deserve to be in the frame as well.
For example, twenty years ago I worked at U.S. News & World Report with a woman called Denise who was a Creative Marketing Director. In my eyes, she was the epitome of New York cool, a great job, respected by her staff and colleagues, and dressed superbly. Regardless of what deadline or strife consumed the day, Denise handled it with grace and a sense of humor. It took months before I learned that she was stepmother to a teenage daughter who was in and out of drug rehab. That the bills for the rehab meant their family was essentially broke, and that she showed up in a panic every day, worried about being laid off or fired for being too strident, or not strident enough.
The expectations we place on mothers are impossible. If they work too much, they are seen as neglecting their children. If they stay home to raise those children, they are seen as not living fully actualized lives. Stand in the kitchen of a mother whose child has special needs, and you’ll learn about how the schools come up short. You’ll hear about the sleepless nights and the inner doubts that grip them at 4 a.m., and how the cause of it all gets laid at her feet, by the people around her, and by herself. Yes, fathers are thought to play a role, but the doubts and expectations are always placed on the mother.
Witness to the Surge
As we witnessed during the resistance to Operation Metro Surge, when federal immigration enforcement swept through our neighborhoods, it was often mothers who served as the fiercest fighters. They stood in subzero temperatures to guard the schools. They showed up in church basements to pack food. Mothers were prepared to swallow the addresses of those to whom they were delivering packages. Despite all the progress America has made in increasing the opportunities for women, our expectations of mothers don’t seem to have changed all that much. They are still treated as lacking if they fall short of performing as the backbone of the family. It’s mothers who make the doctor appointments, know school deadlines, volunteer, and put food on the table. It’s mothers who most acutely feel the loss of children sent to war, or jail, or picked up randomly by ICE agents. Even if those bodies didn’t come from inside their bodies, they feel it. Mothers are intimate with loss, the rewards of motherhood not always equal to the sacrifices they've made.
For these reasons and more, when I think of mothers it isn’t a fluffy Hallmark card with flowers and hearts and anodyne statements of “You’re the best.” A more accurate picture is of a mother standing in the middle of a smoking battlefield. She is holding a pitchfork and tied to it is an improvised flag made from a torn bed sheet stained with blood and urine and vomit. Between her legs is a dirty and dented car seat with an infant, one that may not be hers. Her hair is wild, her nails broken, her face smeared with sweat and grease. Her eyes are full of the boldness and compassion of someone who has watched others die, of panicked car rides to the hospital with children who have broken bones, of holding the hand of someone who has been raped, or beaten, or imprisoned. These are people who know that life can be very f*****g hard to survive, even though your neighbor or sister or friend is posting pictures of their recent trip to Portugal or their stable, athletic, drug-free child’s graduation before they head off to Harvard.
Mothers deserve their day. They deserve our love and respect. They bear the scars of war, of hunger, of dreams deferred, of holding ground when burdened with unattainable expectations. They are the warriors on which we depend. We just don’t hand out medals when they come home wounded.
Thank you for reading and caring.
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Impressions from the Mayor and City Council Speeches
Watching the press conference in which Council President Payne, Vice President Osman, and Ward 2 Council Member Wonsley responded to Mayor Frey’s 2026 State of the City address left me with several impressions and a few questions.
The mayor and city council have competing priorities, few shared ones, and little apparent interest in resolving their differences anytime soon. For Minneapolis, that likely means little meaningful progress, at least as we define it. Progress means a city where more people want to live: where there are good-paying jobs, safe streets, stable housing, and real opportunities to grow a family, a career, or a business. It means a thriving economy that allows people to support themselves, reducing, rather than deepening, the city's dependence on government intervention. Progress does not mean a city perpetually raising revenue to manage a growing population that is out of work, food insecure, reliant on rental assistance, or caught in substance use disorders that too often lead to homelessness and petty crime.
Many will be encouraged to hear that Mayor Frey, after eight and a half years in office, has grown less patient with open-air drug use and a depleted police force. His plan centers on increasing access to Brixadi, a long-acting addiction treatment, expanding affordable housing, and connecting more residents to county services. He noted that there are now only 239 unsheltered people in Hennepin County, all of whom have been connected with outreach teams. If accurate, that represents remarkable progress.
Mayor Frey hopes to have 800 officers on the force by the time he leaves office in roughly three and a half years. Reaching that goal will require council support, no small ask from a body that remains deeply skeptical of the department, both for its history and its current conduct. Frey can expect continued scrutiny over the police budget, the handling of domestic abuse cases and officer-involved shootings, off-duty conduct, the training center, and the long-delayed Southside Community Safety Center. The replacement for the 3rd Precinct was briefly mentioned as moving forward, but residents will believe it when the doors are open and they can walk in and speak with an officer. The facility is expected to include childcare, mental health support, and youth programming. Notably absent from the speech: any mention of Community Safety Commissioner Barnette, whose nomination remains unapproved by the council, or of Police Chief O’Hara and the question of his own confirmation.
The mayor spoke of a city government focused and disciplined about delivering on the basics. One example: the city fixed 700 streetlights, clearing the official backlog. Another: reducing permitting red tape for businesses and construction, including a bold claim that small-scale residential projects will have permits approved within one business day of application. There was an implied contrast with the council’s recent agenda items, legalizing bathhouses and drug paraphernalia among them, though the mayor was careful not to name names. While he spoke of the city’s responsibility to “set the table” for business, actual job creation received just one concrete mention: employment tied to the Upper Harbor Terminal amphitheater. One genuinely interesting idea was the mayor’s discussion of new potential uses for TIF, Tax Increment Financing, a public financing tool that uses future property tax revenue gains generated by a development to fund the project itself, to help large retail spaces downsize into smaller, more accessible storefronts.
One area of apparent agreement between the mayor and council is the need to help small businesses recover from Operation Metro Surge. Worth noting, however: the $7 million set aside for that purpose covers reduced fees and event permits. The city is not writing checks to small businesses, it is simply collecting less revenue from them.
How to Know if You’re Working Class
Council President Payne spoke about the council’s role “to bubble up the priorities of our community,” describing a working-class agenda built around dignity and affordability. “Back to basics to me means living in a house that you can afford and live with dignity,” he said. Vice President Osman expressed disappointment at the mayor’s veto of the rental notice extension. The council rebuked the mayor for not working more closely with them to “advance a working-class agenda that really put the people first,” emphasizing that government is a collective enterprise, “not an individual sport.”
Listening to the council’s rebuttal, I found myself wondering: who, exactly, is included in this working-class agenda? When they say “working people,” they appear to mean something more specific than people who work. I spend most of my time on this newsletter and seeking contract communications clients. I work out of a nontraditional space, without a salaried employer or benefits. Am I working class? Perhaps it’s the English degree that disqualifies me. Or perhaps it’s the absence of union membership, though plumbers, electricians, and carpenters earn significantly more than I do at the moment. Teachers, despite their advanced degrees, are generally considered working class. Nurses too. Doctors are not. Where does an artist who left Macalester to sell their work fall? Which council members are working class? Council President Payne, who moved to Minneapolis in 2000 to study mechanical engineering and later earned an MBA from the Carlson School of Management, earns $110,000 a year in his current role. Is he working class?
The point is not to ridicule anyone. It’s to suggest that “working class,” as used in local politics, has become too elastic to carry real meaning. It functions as a political signal, a way of saying we’re on the side of real people, while quietly coding for opposition to corporations, property owners above a certain threshold, and business owners who object to drug use on their block. If we use the DSA’s definition, working class is determined by one’s relationship to the means of production: if you sell your labor and don’t own the enterprise, you are among the roughly 80% of Americans who qualify. Under that definition, I was working class even when I was in corporate management. I doubt that’s what Council President Payne has in mind.
The Budget Battle to Come
While the definition of “working class” may seem academic, it will have real consequences in this year’s budget process. Mayor Frey warned that “getting serious will mean hard conversations about programs or investments that aren’t working.” Council Member Wonsley has said repeatedly that she wants economic development distributed across the city’s neighborhoods rather than concentrated downtown. A tool like TIF, which primarily benefits property development, may struggle to earn council support if it’s seen as favoring developers over working people. Our concern is straightforward: when businesses and investors perceive the city as hostile to their success, they go elsewhere, and the resulting downward cycle ends in stagnation. A working-class agenda only succeeds if it attracts employers, ones willing to hire people across a wide range of backgrounds, education levels, and skill sets.
What city program genuinely helps the working class if it doesn’t result in a job? You can’t be part of the working class if you aren’t working. Mayor Frey at least acknowledged the city’s responsibility to “set the table” for business, even if the details were thin. We want the council and the mayor to agree on an agenda that favors job creation broadly, corporations and construction workers, teachers and lawyers, investors and tiny media startups like this one. The city must welcome anyone willing to invest here. Narrow the definition of who deserves to be part of the revival too sharply, and you stop it before it gains momentum.
Thank you for reading and caring about Minneapolis.
Link to the 2026 State of the City by Mayor Frey.
Link to the Council President Payne Rebuttal with VP Osman and Council Member Wonsley.
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The Long and the Short of It
Sitting down with Commissioner Marion Greene, we covered a lot of ground and learned how much the county actually does. Hennepin County’s $3.15 billion budget is larger than Minneapolis’s and dedicates 26.8% to Human Services, 21.2% to Health, and 15% to Law, Safety and Justice. The county also runs HCMC, the region’s trauma 1 teaching hospital, which is currently fighting for its financial future at the state legislature. Clergy and supporters held a 24-hour prayer vigil to encourage the legislature to pass a proposed sales tax before the session ends.
We didn't get to everything — the closing of HERC, for example, was only briefly touched on. But we did discover that Greene shares our editor's facility with the two-letter words that make Scrabble players insufferable. Reflecting on all the governments and organizations the county must navigate, a bigger question kept nagging at us: is our election system filtering out exactly the kind of people we need most? To be clear, this isn't a critique of Commissioner Greene or any specific candidate — it's a broader observation about the traits our election system tends to reward. Greene, for her part, is seeking the DFL endorsement this August.
Winning office rewards extroverts — people who are sociable, competitive, and increasingly expected to produce a steady stream of social media videos, even if they're just telling voters what small business they supported for breakfast. But governing Minnesota's complex challenges, from income disparity to public safety to substance use, may require something different: people who listen more than they talk, who can digest a dense report, and who are willing to follow rather than lead when the moment calls for it. That's not a skill set that fits neatly on a campaign mailer. We may be biased by our own introverted tendencies, but the quiet collaborators rarely get the credit when things go right.
With the federal government now withholding another $91 million in Medicaid from Minnesota, and demand for SNAP, housing, and healthcare assistance at high levels, the stakes for getting this right are significant. There’s no quick fix, but options like proportional representation or open top-four primaries could help broaden who runs and who wins. In the meantime, voters can start by asking themselves: when was the last time I chose a candidate because they seemed like a good team player
?
Interview Summary
Marion Greene is the District 3 Hennepin County Commissioner, running for reelection after 12 years on the commission and two prior years as a state legislator. A foreign service kid raised across multiple countries, she came to Minnesota after being recruited by the Pillsbury Company, later moved into the medical device industry, and found her way into politics through a public policy role — with the encouragement of her then-VP, now Congresswoman Angie Craig.
Greene highlighted key accomplishments including Hennepin County’s climate action plan and zero waste plan, championed during the pandemic while she chaired the county board. She emphasized the county’s role as the primary local funder of affordable housing, while acknowledging that need continues to outpace resources. Other topics included Hennepin County Healthcare’s leadership transition and the shift toward decentralized county services that meet residents where they are.
On the Sheriff’s Office, Greene clarified remarks taken out of context — her point was never that the county shouldn’t support public safety, but that expanding the sheriff’s patrol role countywide would be fiscally irresponsible given the county’s roughly 100 deputies versus 1,500-plus city officers regionwide. She also flagged a $15 million budget overage worth scrutiny given looming federal Medicaid cuts.
On Lyndale Avenue, she explained that as a county road, city council approval is desired but not technically required, construction is pushed to 2028, and an unresolved question remains about whether Mayor Frey can now bypass council sign-off on road designs.
The Hennepin County Home School discussion weighed real tradeoffs. While the 145-acre Minnetonka facility gave many youth their first access to medical care, mental health services, and regular meals, Greene cited outdated buildings and the broader shift toward community-based care as reasons for closure. She pushed back on claims linking the closure to rising car thefts, noting only a handful of kids remained at the end. It’s an open question as to whether community alternatives deliver equivalent outcomes. Greene conceded no adequate regional solution yet exists for the most traumatized youth, pointing to the new Youth Stabilization Center at 1800 Chicago Avenue as a step toward modern best practices.
Greene closed by discussing the county-city collaboration on homelessness and making an appeal for listeners to sign up as election judges emphasizing civic participation as she heads into her reelection campaign.
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It’s been roughly six months since I last interviewed Eric Roper. He has been writing for the Star Tribune since 2009, and his columns fuel a significant amount of conversation in Minneapolis and the surrounding area.
For this interview, I wanted to hear more about his recent work. Links provided below. Over the past month, he has weighed in on some of the city’s most difficult topics. We agreed that the solutions aren’t easy and that real progress will require a genuine change in mindset from both the mayor and the city council.
To follow Eric’s work by email, sign up for his newsletter at startribune.com/roperalert.
Interview Summary
On Uptown, Roper is cautiously optimistic. He pointed to a new Urban Land Institute report outlining actionable improvements: creating a Business Improvement District modeled on the downtown example, better marketing of existing parking, developing a more walkable “Uptown Alley” behind Seven Points, and, his personal favorite, extending the Como-Harriet streetcar line along the Midtown Greenway to the Uptown Transit Center as a bold, tourist-friendly connector. He acknowledged that near-term steps like walking groups and increased police presence matter, but argued that real revival will require market intervention, possibly including the city purchasing key properties or using tax increment financing to retrofit outdated retail buildings.
On downtown, Roper made the case that Minneapolis has spent roughly 25 years stepping back from the market interventions that once drove its revival, while St. Paul, having hit rock bottom, is now moving with urgency, committing county dollars to housing and riverfront development. He expressed frustration that neither the mayor nor the council is treating the erosion of the commercial tax base with the seriousness it demands. The revenue losses from deeply discounted building sales won’t fully appear in the tax rolls for another year or two, by which point the damage will be much harder to reverse.
On the drug paraphernalia decriminalization debate, Roper was characteristically nuanced. He acknowledged that since the current ordinance clearly isn’t solving the open drug use problem in Uptown and elsewhere, the case for decriminalization has some merit. But he said he was left uneasy by what he described as the “kid gloves” approach of harm reduction providers who deliberately avoid steering people toward treatment.
He also made the case for a regional summit bringing together law enforcement, social service agencies, counties, and nonprofits around a shared strategy. The fragmentation of the metro, 140-plus cities, seven counties, 35 police chiefs in Hennepin County alone, makes coordinated action extremely difficult, and no one appears to be pushing for it.
On city governance, Roper described the council as “must-see TV in a bad way.” He credited the more progressive bloc for having a clear and active policy agenda, but noted that the mayor and his allies are largely playing defense without offering a competing vision. He stopped short of predicting how things improve, and said he will be listening closely to the mayor’s upcoming State of the City address for any signal that a course correction is in the works.
Thank you for reading and caring about Minneapolis.
Links to the columns we discussed:
Five great ideas to improve Uptown, the Twin Cities’ most enduring commercial hub
March 27
The new season of Minneapolis City Council is must-see TV, in a bad way
April 11
Is now the right time for Minneapolis to loosen its drug laws?
April 14
Hunger strikers say the government is wrong about incinerator’s risks. I don’t buy it.
April 17
Only one of our Twin Cities appears serious about reviving its downtown
April 24
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Will the Real Leader of Minneapolis Please Stand Up?
Thursday, I spent half a day watching the Minneapolis City Council meeting and feel as though I’m still recovering. When my editor asked how it went, I struggled to find the right words.
“Well, if I were opening a business, the last place I would choose right now is Minneapolis.”
The reason is simple. The current city council has reached a mind-numbing state of dysfunction. Members are unpredictable and lack a shared set of priorities. As we’ve written before, the focus must be on attracting jobs, projecting stability to investors, and shoring up a tax base that is eroding rapidly as downtown continues to hollow out. Meaningful collaboration on those priorities does not appear possible at the moment.
One telling detail: City Clerk Casey Carl told the council he is struggling to find a date for a consultant-led leadership retreat because aligning the schedules of 13 council members and the mayor has proven nearly impossible. In a private business, the boss would simply require everyone to clear their calendars, because the situation is hurting the organization and it needs to be fixed. But in our city government, 14 people each believe their schedule and their opinions take precedence. The result is a cycle of frustration and ineffectiveness, and a city that is floundering while residents and businesses look for opportunities elsewhere.
Watch the latest council meeting and you will witness personal grudges, arguments over what cooperation even means, and revolts on multiple fronts: against the mayor, against the strong mayor system, minority against majority. It brings to mind the 1953 Marlon Brando film “The Wild One”, in which Brando plays Johnny Stabler, a brooding delinquent who leads a motorcycle gang terrorizing a small California town. When asked what he’s rebelling against, he sneers, “Whaddya got?”
There were moments in Thursday’s meeting we could have clipped and shared on social media to ridicule specific members, score points, or highlight their contradictions. That behavior, practiced constantly by others, only hardens the fault lines between members and between leaders and residents. It isn’t our style. We want to highlight solutions. More importantly, we want our city leaders to find solutions and actually implement them. When this newsletter becomes a boring weekly thank-you note to council members, you’ll know the city is on the right track.
The city needs a functional government. We need our 14 representatives to occasionally speak with one voice. The council and mayor were sworn in on January 5, 2026, to four-year terms. If the current dynamic holds, expect a steady stream of slim-majority ordinances, mayoral vetoes, and failed override attempts, a process that will grease the wheels of the city’s decline. The mayor will seek to consolidate power in his office and work around the council whenever possible. The council will grow increasingly frustrated and escalate its attempts to remain relevant. Neither path leads anywhere good.
First-Hand Accounts
We read several reports on Thursday’s meeting. The mainstream press tends to focus on specific votes and outcomes. What gets left out is the anger and bitterness that have surfaced after a mere 100 days in office. As one council member said, near tears: “I can’t go on this way. It must change.”
Unfortunately, it can go on this way. People can remain out of work. Buildings can continue to sell for pennies on the dollar. Potholes can get deeper. More cars can be stolen. More businesses can take a chance on this city and fail. What the council and mayor often overlook is that changing this trajectory is within their power. They could turn off their social media feeds, lock themselves in a room, and stay there until they find common ground. The fact that they don’t is a choice.
Minneapolis cares deeply for the historically marginalized. We do not want to see people evicted. We want people to get treatment for substance use disorders and mental illness. But to provide those services sustainably, the city must have the best infrastructure in the region, the best roads, the cleanest streets, high-performing schools, safe neighborhoods, and sensible regulations that allow businesses to thrive. Minneapolis competes on a national scale for conferences, investment, and talent. Overcoming the headwinds facing the city will require a less parochial mindset from its leaders.
Council Meeting Summary
The council passed the drug paraphernalia decriminalization ordinance, known as “Care Over Criminalization,” on a 7-6 vote. Supporters argued that decriminalizing possession, not use, aligns Minneapolis with existing state law, reduces barriers for harm reduction workers, and builds trust with people struggling with addiction. One council member, drawing on his background in street outreach, spoke about how distributing clean supplies opened doors to relationships that eventually helped people find housing and treatment. Opponents raised legitimate concerns: the city’s own deputy city attorney testified that Metro Transit Police actively use the paraphernalia ordinance to respond to drug use complaints at bus shelters and light rail stations, and that it has historically served as a negotiating tool to steer people toward treatment. An amendment to limit decriminalization to marijuana paraphernalia only, floated as a compromise to avoid a mayoral veto, failed 6-7, and the full ordinance passed.
The council also approved a 45-day pre-eviction notice extension, “Pause Eviction, Save Lives,” by a vote of 8-5. The measure was framed as a modest but meaningful response to the economic disruption left by Operation Metro Surge, which left many immigrant renters jobless and afraid to leave their homes. A pointed side debate emerged over whether the city’s rental assistance application portal was actually accessible to people who hadn’t yet received an eviction notice, a problem staff acknowledged and pledged to address. (Note: We were unable to independently verify the claim made by some council members that eviction filings are at near-record levels.)
A proposed moratorium on data centers became the meeting’s most contentious procedural fight. The ordinance, introduced without attached language, as a subject matter only, was postponed to the May 21st meeting pending the conclusion of the state legislative session. Critics warned the moratorium was already sending a chilling signal to investors, citing a downtown building that sold for $235 million after being assessed at $30 million just a year earlier. Supporters argued that large-scale data centers carry serious environmental and energy grid consequences that warrant study before any approvals move forward. A motion to kill the ordinance outright failed, and the broader question of whether subject matter introductions should routinely advance or can be voted down at introduction remains unresolved.
The Payne Letter
After the failed veto override on the Toddrick Barnette nomination, Council Member Palmisano objected to a memo Council President Payne had submitted to the city’s legislative record titled “The City Council’s Vision for Community Safety and Toddrick Barnette’s Failure to Meet That Vision.” Palmisano argued the memo implied a collective position the body never formally adopted, and moved to have it removed. The city clerk confirmed that the council president does not have the authority to speak for the body absent a formal vote, though he acknowledged it is a gray area council presidents frequently have to navigate.
The debate that followed was one of the meeting’s more revealing moments. Several members said they were never consulted and objected to being included, however implicitly, in a document they didn’t author or endorse. Others defended the memo as a reasonable response to the mayor’s public accusation that the council’s rejection of Barnette was politically motivated rather than substantive. The motion to remove the memo failed 6-7. A suggestion to formally adopt it as the council’s official position was declined, with one member cautioning that doing so would effectively create new procedural rules without a proper discussion of council governance. The letter remains in the file.
Positive Notes
A word of recognition for City Clerk Casey Carl, who may have the toughest job in city government. He must explain voting procedures and amendments in real time, keep meetings from unraveling, and address every council member with patience and diplomacy regardless of what’s unfolding around him. We sincerely hope he finds a date for that leadership retreat.
On a lighter note: we spent part of our Saturday morning with Leon Bridges and his song “Beyond.” Recommended listening.
Thank you for reading and caring about Minneapolis.
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Introduction
This newsletter is dedicated to documenting the people, politics, and solutions working to improve Minneapolis. As a two-person operation, writer and editor, we pride ourselves on bringing you a unique perspective that no nonprofit think tank could replicate. We are genuinely grateful to every reader who chooses to support that mission with a paid subscription.
Occasionally, though, we venture beyond city limits. As much as we’d prefer to ignore Trump and focus on local solutions, it’s been impossible to ignore Operation Metro Surge or his administration’s decision to withhold Medicaid dollars that sustain our hospitals and the recipients who depend on them. Over 303,000 Hennepin County residents, about 22%, depend on Medicaid, and the Center for Medicare & Medicaid Services is withholding over $240 million. While the stated justification is fraud and program vulnerabilities, political motivations appear to be at play as well.
This raises a broader question: shouldn’t Minnesota have a State Auditor who is nonpartisan, or at least from outside the party in power? When a single party controls a state without meaningful checks and balances, accountability tends to slip. Consider Rep. Ilhan Omar’s recently amended financial disclosure. She and her husband Tim Mynett originally reported a net worth of between $6 million and $30 million. When faced with a threatened investigation, they amended that figure to between $18,000 and $95,000, a reduction of roughly 99.7%, attributing it to an accounting error.
To anyone who signs off on their taxes each year after reviewing them with a CPA, that explanation is hard to accept. A small business owner making an error of that magnitude would face serious consequences. Yet Omar retains the solid backing of her district and the DFL, which illustrates exactly the kind of tribal protection that entrenched parties provide. Some voters, however, are looking for alternatives.
We aren’t planning to interview every State Auditor candidate, but the hyper-partisanship and weak financial controls we’re currently experiencing give us reason to hear what the Forward Independence Party has to say. Ideally, we’d like to see proportional representation that gives smaller parties a real foothold in government. Until then, an independent voice in the Auditor’s office, one focused on modern data systems and transparent public dashboards rather than party loyalty, could be exactly what Minnesota needs.
Interview Summary
Jay Reeves, a candidate for Minnesota State Auditor running under the Forward Independence Party, brings an unconventional background to the race. Born and raised on the east side of St. Paul to teenage parents, Reeves worked in trucking before joining the Army at age 31, where he rose from enlisted soldier to commissioned officer over 17 years of service. Through the military he earned a bachelor’s degree and a master’s in health informatics with a concentration in data analytics from the University of Minnesota. After being diagnosed with stage four cancer in 2022 and retiring as a major in 2023, he found civilian work unsatisfying and decided to channel his skills into public service by running for state auditor.
Reeves’ central pitch is that the State Auditor’s Office needs a data-driven overhaul. He argues that the office has historically relied on a reactive, after-the-fact auditing approach, and that a proactive data analytics mindset — identifying patterns and anomalies before problems escalate — would make government spending far more transparent and accountable. He points to outdated technology, siloed data systems, and the lack of basic data-validation tools as concrete problems he wants to fix and envisions public-facing interactive dashboards that would let any Minnesotan easily track how their city or county is spending money.
On the question of why he’s running as an independent, Reeves is direct: he believes the State Auditor role should be nonpartisan, and that the hyper-partisan environment at the legislature has made it harder — not easier — to seriously address issues like fraud and financial mismanagement. He argues that Minnesotans have allowed political ideology to become personal identity and encourages voters to research individual candidates rather than voting straight-party. His campaign is also a vehicle to grow the Forward Independence Party, which formed last July from a merger of the Independence and Alliance parties, and which Reeves sees as a home for the many Minnesotans who feel left out by the two-party system.
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